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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Political subversives II: Anarchists (all types), socialists, syndicalists, communists, anti-clericals&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discorso radiofonico in Italiano sulla campagna elletorale: domenica, 23 ottobre&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/em&gt; [Radio Speech in Italian on the electoral campaign of Sunday, October 23]. &lt;strong&gt;The Bronx: Il Partito Comunista della Contea del Bronx, [1938].&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>Nunzio was the pseudonym of Mike Salerno, who edited &lt;em&gt;L'Unita Operai&lt;/em&gt;, a Communist newspaper.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is curious to me that there was a Bronx County chapter of the Italian Communist Party in America, rather than just, say, a New York City chapter.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Note that most of the flyer's text is in English, though the led is in Italian.</text>
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                <text>Il Partito Comunista della Contea del Bronx</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Political subversives II: Anarchists (all types), socialists, syndicalists, communists, anti-clericals&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Amici Italo-Americani!&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/em&gt; [Italian-American &lt;strong&gt;Friends!]. New York: Commissione Italiana del&lt;span&gt; Comitato Statale di New York del Partito Comunista &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[April 1942]</text>
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                <text>On[orevole]. Pietro V. Cacchione</text>
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                <text>There is no printed date on this two-sided, all in Italian, handbill signed by Peter - sometimes "Pietro" - Cacchione, the first member of the New York City Council who was a registered Communist Party USA, but a date "April 1942" is handwritten on the last of four pages of this handbill in folio format. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The use of "Onorevole"- "The Honorable" - follows the American practice of using that term as a prefix to the names of elected officials, whether in the U.S. Congress or even of local offices.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Histories, philosophy, biographies, directories, bibliographies, almanacs, catalogues, annuals, religious, educational, and travel literature&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>These largely non-political works reflect a broad pallette of non-fiction reflections on the history of Italians in the U.S., travel literature, biographies (like that of the Peanut King, Obici), or the religious, like Sister, later Mother, and final Saint Cabrini.</text>
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                  <text>In these non-fiction works, Italians reflected upon themselves and their American experiences. Representing the non-&lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt; type of immigrant, who were more interested in becoming American and “making it” in America than in stoking class warfare and remaking society, They began to place themselves in the context of contemporary American society and the history in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The release in 1921 of Alfredo Bosi’s &lt;em&gt;Cinquant’anni di vita italiana in America&lt;/em&gt;, the first history of Italians in the United States, represented a watershed - the first 50 years of Italians in America - and allegedly arose from a conversation between journalist Bosi and King Vittorio Emanuele of Italy in 1901, in which the king expressed curiosity about the Italian colony in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Luigi Roversi’s biography of Palma di Cesnola proudly places that Italian within the august homes of white Anglo-Saxon Protestant America, into which di Cesnola had married, and where he ruled as the first director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;More than the first half of Flamma’s “biography” of the greatest mayor New York City had ever seen, Fiorello LaGuardia, has little to do with La Guardia, unfortunately, but the work did reflect his obvious pride that after electing mayors in 29 other cities, Italians “finally” elected (in 1933) a mayor of Italian heritage to the country’s most important city. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The directories discussed here, from New York to San Francisco, provide a particularly rich source of information about the different businesses and professions Italians had in virtually every state of the union, from as early as the 1880s (in San Francisco) to the first few decades of the 20th Century (primarily in New York).</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Perché la guerra in Africa&lt;/em&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;[Why the War in Africa?]. &lt;strong&gt;New York: Casa ed. "Unità"/ Società ed. "L'Unità", [1935?]&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>We can estimate the date of this work because the introduction begins from the vantage point of "21 years after the beginning of the last world war," which was 1914; thus, it is 1935.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Among the advertisements on the recto of the last leaf is that of the Libreria Gastone Sozzi, which has the same address as the offices of &lt;em&gt;L'Unità&lt;/em&gt;, the newspaper of the Italian Communist Party in the U.S. I have not run across the name of that bookstore elsewhere.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;L'Unità&lt;/em&gt; (or &lt;em&gt;L'Unità Operaia&lt;/em&gt;)- later (in 1942, see two other imprints) &lt;em&gt;L'Unità del Popolo&lt;/em&gt; - was an "Italian American weekly for unity and victory over fascism." Its editor was the author of this work, Tito Nunzio. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;At the time of this publication, 1935, the Communist Party tried to mobilize both Italian Americans and African-Americans by holding demonstrations against Italy's Ethiopian adventure, according to historian Marcella Bencivenni. About 20,000 participants in the march went through Italian Harlem shouting "Italian and Negro people unite in a common front against the war," and "death fo fascism!"&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Nunzio attempts to demolish the argument that the invasion of Ethiopia was a justifiable revenge after Italian embarrassment in Abyssinia, claiming that this was just a pretext for Mussolini, who had all along intended to invade Ethiopia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He next claims that rather than civilizing Italy, fascism is the opposite, i.e., the enemy of civilization. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Near the end, Nunzio urges readers to join with the Communist Party in demonstrating for the withdrawal of all Italian troops from wherever they are in Africa. His plea appears to have been successful.</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Il capitale: semplificato e volgarizzato ad uso degli operai&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; [Capital: Simplified and Popularized for the Use of Workers].&lt;strong&gt; Chicago: La Parola Printing &amp;amp; Publishing House, 1911.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>This abridged and simplified version of Marx's foundational text of communism is preceded by a short explanation of Marx's life and works prepared by Giuseppe Bertelli, editor of &lt;em&gt;La Parola dei Socialisti.&lt;/em&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This is volume 22 of the "Biblioteca de La Parola dei Socialisti."</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Se si farà la rivoluzione in Italia, si morrà di fame? &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/em&gt;[Will We Die of Hunger if There's a Revolution in Italy?].&lt;strong&gt; New York: Casa ed. Libreria Rossa, [c. 1921].&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>This work is taken from &lt;em&gt;Umanità Nova&lt;/em&gt;, a Milanese leftist newspaper that was founded in 1920, and shut down by the fascists in 1922. "Libreria Rossa" was the name adopted by Carlo Tresca for some of his book imprints, and used on Tresca's letterhead, along with &lt;em&gt;Il Martello&lt;/em&gt;, see holographic letter on stationery of Tresca in the Collection. (The term is also used more generally (lower case) for any Italian American bookstore that sold anarchist, socialist or communist works.) &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Leading writers for &lt;em&gt;Umanità Nova, &lt;/em&gt;which began pubication only in February, 1920, included Errico Malatesta, Armando Borghi and Camillo Bernieri, among others; several of the works of each of these writers are in the collection, q.v. When the fascist regime fell, in 1945, publication &lt;em&gt;Umanità Nova &lt;/em&gt;started up again, this time as a weekly. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The newspaper continues to publish to this day. It declares itself as follows: &lt;em&gt;Umanità Nova&lt;/em&gt; presents itself weekly in a paper edition as a place for communication, meeting, intervention and reflection on facts and events of social anarchism, libertarian movements, anti-authoritarian, anti-clericalism, of the world of work and basic unionism, direct action, battles over territory, social spaces and worker management journeys.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Bookseller and expert on the Italian American left, Lorne Bair refers to this work, however, as more of a Communist tract published shortly after the Russian Revolution. Indeed, the work calls for an immediate proletarian revolution, with socialization of industry and agriculture; closure of borders to prevent a flight of the bourgeoisie; and management of the new society through a free arrangement of persons and competent groups.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I cannot find anything about the author who used the pseudonym Emme-  the spelling is that of the Italian letter "m" spoken aloud, as well as it being a not that unusual variant spelling of "Emma." One known person who used “Emme” as a pseudonym was anarchist Edoardo Malusardi (documented for a 1915 piece in Zurich), but there is not enough evidence to state confidently that Malusardi is the “Emme” of this piece.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Angelica Balabanoff (b. Ukraine 1878, d. Rome 1965) was a Russian Jewish–Italian communist and social democratic activist. She served as secretary of the Comintern and later became a political party leader in Italy.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This poetry collection includes French, German &amp;amp; English (self-consciously promoting Balabanoff's cosmpolitanism) as well as Italian poetry by Balabanoff, who loved Italians, and lived in Russia, where she was highly respected. However, she was disappointed with the Bolshevik regime and discouraged by the fate of the revolution, according to Enrico Arrigoni, q.v.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On the cover is a laudatory blurb by Charles Edward Russell about Balabanoff's "indefatigable sympathy with her fellow man." Her &lt;em&gt;My Life as a Rebel&lt;/em&gt; remains in print, having gone through several editions.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Political subversives III: Fascists and anti-fascists&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The Anti-Fascist movement embraced diverse leftists, including Carlo Tresca, as noted above. Opposition to Mussolini from the left was reflected by activities of the Anti-Fascist Alliance of North America, which formed common ground for anarchists, socialists/syndicalists and communists to temporarily set aside their differences and unite against fascist oppression.  Gone, at least temporarily, were the debates about proper philosophy of the left: the goal was to unite in order to defeat fascism.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As for fascism itself, its roots were in the nationalist fervor stoked by Italy’s late 19&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; and early 20&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century imperialist ventures in Africa, which are reflected in several items in the collection. Fascism itself&lt;span&gt;, with its &lt;/span&gt;&lt;a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Political_radicalism"&gt;radical&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt; nationalist agenda, &lt;/span&gt;came to prominence in the first quarter of 20th-century Europe, originating in Italy during&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I"&gt;World War I&lt;/a&gt;.  Benito Mussolini founded the Fascist Party, a right-wing organization which launched a campaign of terrorism and intimidation against its leftist opponents, and forced the king in 1922 to name him the Prime Minister as a result of the fascists’ show of force in the March on Rome.  &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In America, active fascist supporters started two magazines that vied for primacy with Mussolini as instruments of the Fascist Party in America. Agostino de Biasi’s &lt;em&gt;Il Carroccio&lt;/em&gt;, (The Chariot) was published from 1915 until 1935 - most years of the magazine are in the collection - with a circulation of about 10,000–12,000, long-lived initially but ultimately with a circulation of only about one-third of Domenico Trombetta’s far more militant &lt;em&gt;Il Grido della Stirpe&lt;/em&gt; (The Cry of the Race), which became the largest circulation pro-fascist periodical at about 30,000 at its height in the mid-late 1920s, dropping to about 5,000 in the late 1930s as Italian Americans soured on Mussolini.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Mussolini also promoted teaching the Italian language to Italian American schoolchildren, reflected in several items in the collection.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Both fascist and therefore anti-fascist activities were not confined to New York, Chicago and other big cities. By the early 1920s, Fascist Party cells in the United States were present in Buffalo, Albany, Rochester and Syracuse.&lt;/p&gt;
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                  <text>This section of the collection reflects tensions between fascists and anti-fascists. But the anti-fascist movement in the U.S. among Italians and others had far less to fear from Mussolini than did such dissidents in Italy itself. Savage portrayals and caricatures of Mussolini and of fascism are fully reflected in the collection.</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Per un governo di pace e di liberta in Italia!  &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[For a Government of Peace and Liberty in Italy!]&lt;strong&gt; [New York]: L'Unità del Popolo, 1942.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>"Appeal of the Italian National Front at the Underground Conference in Milan, December, 1942." &lt;em&gt;L'Unità del Popolo&lt;/em&gt; was the Italian-language newspaper of the Communist Party U.S.A.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Histories, philosophy, biographies, directories, bibliographies, almanacs, catalogues, annuals, religious, educational, and travel literature&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>These largely non-political works reflect a broad pallette of non-fiction reflections on the history of Italians in the U.S., travel literature, biographies (like that of the Peanut King, Obici), or the religious, like Sister, later Mother, and final Saint Cabrini.</text>
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                  <text>In these non-fiction works, Italians reflected upon themselves and their American experiences. Representing the non-&lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt; type of immigrant, who were more interested in becoming American and “making it” in America than in stoking class warfare and remaking society, They began to place themselves in the context of contemporary American society and the history in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The release in 1921 of Alfredo Bosi’s &lt;em&gt;Cinquant’anni di vita italiana in America&lt;/em&gt;, the first history of Italians in the United States, represented a watershed - the first 50 years of Italians in America - and allegedly arose from a conversation between journalist Bosi and King Vittorio Emanuele of Italy in 1901, in which the king expressed curiosity about the Italian colony in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Luigi Roversi’s biography of Palma di Cesnola proudly places that Italian within the august homes of white Anglo-Saxon Protestant America, into which di Cesnola had married, and where he ruled as the first director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;More than the first half of Flamma’s “biography” of the greatest mayor New York City had ever seen, Fiorello LaGuardia, has little to do with La Guardia, unfortunately, but the work did reflect his obvious pride that after electing mayors in 29 other cities, Italians “finally” elected (in 1933) a mayor of Italian heritage to the country’s most important city. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The directories discussed here, from New York to San Francisco, provide a particularly rich source of information about the different businesses and professions Italians had in virtually every state of the union, from as early as the 1880s (in San Francisco) to the first few decades of the 20th Century (primarily in New York).</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;San Francisco e la sua catastrofe &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[San Francisco and its Catastrophe].&lt;strong&gt; Tipografia Internazionale, 1906.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>After the Italians of New York, those of San Francisco (and Chicago) probably had the most well-developed network of periodical press, book press, theatre, literature of various types, associations and other forms of collective efforts, including unions. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Crespi’s dramatic “you are there” description of the 1906 San Francisco earthquake, and of the killing fires that followed, would surely be considered one of the great accounts of that horrific event, had the work been written in or translated into English. “The night of the day following [the earthquake], after a forced march of 52 miles, on the hills that flanked the public gardens of the Golden Gate. . . suddenly, [I saw]. . . . the valley below, a valley on fire, an inferno. The eye could not see the extent of it. . . . there were sudden eruptions. . . .” This work also contains 27 photographs of the devastation, entitled “Tra le rovine” (Among the ruins). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Like Pallavicini, Caminita and Cordiferro, Crespi was a political as well as a literary figure. An ardent and unremitting leader of California’s anarchists and socialists, Crespi (b. Milan, 1857 - d. San Francisco, 1948) was involved in a number of political newspapers and journals. He was author of &lt;a href="https://italianamericanimprints.omeka.net/items/show/59"&gt;&lt;em&gt;Per la libertà&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/a&gt; (For Liberty!), the book of revelations of Carlo Camillo Di Rudio, an Italian patriot and naturalized American who participated in the failed attempt on Napoleon III and fought in the battle of Little Bighorn, q.v. Crespi also wrote sketches and stories (e.g., &lt;em&gt;Fantasia di Natale&lt;/em&gt; (Christmas fantasy) in &lt;em&gt;La Voce del Popolo&lt;/em&gt; (Voice of the People), December 25, 1915) and in 1900 gave life to the anarchist review &lt;em&gt;La Protesta Umana&lt;/em&gt; (Human Protest) with Enrico Travaglio, and then Giuseppe Ciancabilla (q.v.). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He also composed an anti-fascist tract, &lt;em&gt;Fascismo: masnadieri antichi e moderni&lt;/em&gt; in 1943 in San Francisco. Among the other newspapers he founded or oversaw was &lt;em&gt;Era Democratica&lt;/em&gt; (Democratic Age). In 1916, he attacked the “reactionary insanity” of Tom Mooney’s prosecution and trial for a bombing during San Francisco Preparedness Day. His pieces were printed in various newspapers throughout Italian America. In particular, in the last phase of his life, he collaborated on a series for the socialist &lt;em&gt;La Parola del Popolo&lt;/em&gt;.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Political subversives II: Anarchists (all types), socialists, syndicalists, communists, anti-clericals&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Gli Italo-Americani e la guerra &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[Italian Americans and the War].&lt;strong&gt; New York: Workers Library Publishers, Inc., 1940.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>Published for National Election Campaign Committee Communist Party of the United States.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cacchione was the first member of the New York City Council who was openly a member of the Communist Party USA.</text>
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                <text>Peter V. Cacchione</text>
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                  <text>The collection is rich in hard to find magazines and/or newspapers like Ernesto Valentini's &lt;em&gt;Zarathustra&lt;/em&gt;, Vincenzo Vacirca's &lt;em&gt;Il Solco &lt;/em&gt;and &lt;em&gt;La Strada&lt;/em&gt;, Aldino Felicani's &lt;em&gt;La Controcorrente&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;Il Proletario&lt;/em&gt;, Enrico Arrigoni's &lt;em&gt;Eresia&lt;/em&gt;, Carlo Tresca's &lt;em&gt;Il Martello&lt;/em&gt; and &lt;em&gt;Guardia Rossa&lt;/em&gt;, Antonino Capraro's &lt;em&gt;Alba Nuova&lt;/em&gt;, Arturo Giovannitti's &lt;em&gt;Vita&lt;/em&gt;, Agostino De Biasi's &lt;em&gt;Il Carroccio, &lt;/em&gt;T. Lucidi's &lt;em&gt;Il Messaggero della Salute&lt;/em&gt;, Guido Podrecca's and Gabriele Galantara's &lt;em&gt;L'Asino&lt;/em&gt; (this last mostly published in Rome) and others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As Francesco Durante rightly observed in &lt;em&gt;Italoamericana&lt;/em&gt;, understanding the contribution of journalism among Italian Americans - almost solely in Italian at the outset - to the community life, as well as to the culture of the immigrant community, is central to understanding that community. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Virtually all of the writers whose book-length works we see and celebrate in the collection, whether political or not, began their writing careers with newspaper or magazine writing. Some even immigrated to the U.S. precisely to do just that, but those were exceptional.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The politics of the magazines and newspapers ran the gamut from left to right, and some - e.g., &lt;em&gt;Il Messaggero della Salute&lt;/em&gt; - were not really political in that sense at all. The separation often observed between the political and the literary sections of the magazines is surprising and deserves examination all by itself: one can find the stories of Clara Vacirca, married to and sharing the political leanings of the socialist Vincenzo Vacirca, published in the right-wing &lt;em&gt;Il Carroccio&lt;/em&gt;, and less overtly political writers like Salvatore Benanti and Federico Mennella often contributed literary pieces to leftist periodicals like &lt;em&gt;La Follia di New York. &lt;/em&gt;For example, Mennella wrote the dialect column for &lt;em&gt;La Follia &lt;/em&gt;for some time. The catholic nature of the magazines in the literary culture of the Italians reflected one of its strengths.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Whatever the mixture of news from Italy and from America, whether "news events," or political or cultural commentary, short stories or poems, whether from Italians still in Italy or immigrants in the U.S. or translated from German, French. English or Russian - all of which were quite prevalent - or elaborations of philosophies of living, sometimes imported but sometimes "home-grown" in the U.S., the magazines and newspapers provide a rich insight into this world. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Beyond the articles themselves were, in many cases, letters to the editors and lists of new subscribers (and the cities and towns they lived in), both of which enlarge our understanding of what parts of the immigrant community were reached and affected by the printed word. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This, too, is a subject that deserves close examination, and has been discussed recently, for example, in a fine essay by historian Adam Quinn discussing whether the &lt;em&gt;Cronaca Sovversiva&lt;/em&gt; of the anti-organizational anarchist Luigi Galleani was a "seditious rag" or a community newspaper - or both. Quinn clearly concludes that it was both. The same can be said for &lt;em&gt;Il Martello&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;La Follia di New York&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;Il Carroccio&lt;/em&gt; and many of the other political magazines - they were part of the "glue" that held together the Italian community quite beyond their immediate political messages.</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Alba Nuova: Rivista Mensile di Critica e di Pensiero (numero doppio) &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[New Dawn: Monthly Review of Criticism and Thought (Number 2)].&lt;strong&gt; New York: Mario Rapisardi Literary Society, 1921.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Alba Nuova&lt;/em&gt; (1921-1924) was the official organ of the Federazione dei Lavoratori Italiani d'America, a section of the American Labor Alliance, formed on November 6, 1921 by members of the Federazione Socialista Italiana and the Italian section of the I.W.W. who embraced communism. It ran for four years, succeeded by the communist daily, &lt;em&gt;Il Lavoratore&lt;/em&gt; (1924-1931). Among its founding members were Antonino (or Anthony) Capraro, the founder of &lt;em&gt;Alba Nuova&lt;/em&gt; itself, and Ignazio Camarda, Frank Bellanca and Flavio Venanzi. See Bencivenni's &lt;em&gt;Italian Immigrant Radical Culture&lt;/em&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This issue (No. 2, October-November) of a review that was primarily the organ of the Italian section of the Communist Workers Party, includes a significant text of anarchists Sacco and Vanzetti, headed "Sacco e Vanzetti Insegnano" [Sacco and Vanzetti Teach]. It is a letter from Dedham Jail, dated October 18, 1921 (a few months after the two were sentenced to death, and a couple of weeks before the argument for a retrial would take place), about six years before they would actually be executed: "Noi Non Abbiamo Paura di Morire" [We are not Afraid to Die].&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In general, &lt;em&gt;Alba Nuova&lt;/em&gt; published articles on political theory and idology, and covered local and international news, with special attention given to strikes, revolutionary upheavals, and political repression. At the same time, it held literary and artistic expression in very high regard: "Art is the highest expression of the human mind." May 1, 1922. By 1923, it claimed 6,000 subscribers and a circulation of nearly 20,000 copies. It pressed for inclusion of women in local political organizations as members with rights identical to those of men.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Political subversives II: Anarchists (all types), socialists, syndicalists, communists, anti-clericals&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;La verità su Luigi Antonini &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[The Truth about Luigi Antonini].&lt;strong&gt; Brooklyn: Peter V. Cacchione Association, 1944.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>Cacchione, a Consigliere Comunale [City Councilman] of New York, was the first who was a Communist Party USA member.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Only two years before this 1944 pamphlet, Cacchione was supportive of Antonini: see &lt;em&gt;DRESSMAKERS ITALIANI, volete che la nostra Locale 89 sia la piu forte e la piu nita della I.L.G.W.U.? Votate per il "leadership" di Luigi Antonini!&lt;/em&gt; [ITALIAN DRESSMAKERS, do you want our Local 89 to be the strongest and sharpest of the ILGWU [International Ladies Garment Workers Union]? Then vote for the leadership of Luigi Antonini!]. New York: [Communist Party] On[orevole]. Pietro V. Cacchione, Consigliere Municipale della Citta di New York, 1942.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But here, Cacchione notes that now that Mussolini has been deposed, and fascism has crumbled, it's time to pick up the pieces and help Italians find peace and be able to put bread on the table. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cacchione criticizes Antonini, who led Local 89, the Italian section of the ILGWU, for treating his union members badly, hypocritically (according to Cacchione) decreeing the lack of democracy around the world while he doesn't abide by democracy's rules in running his union; and for the other "big lie" that in Italy, the Socialists and Communists couldn't agree to work together. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Somewhat curiously, the rear cover has an ad encouraging readers to "Buy U.S. War Bonds and Stamps" "For Victory," presumably a tip of the hat to Cacchione's role as an elected representative.</text>
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                <text>Pietro Cacchione</text>
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                <text>Peter V. Cacchione Association</text>
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                <text>17 x 12cm; 23 p. </text>
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                <text>Italian</text>
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