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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Looking homeward: Publication in Italy (and elsewhere) of works about Americans and Italians&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>For a variety of reasons, Italians in America looking to publish their works in Italian did not or could not always find publishers in the U.S., and so they turned "homewards" to Italy. Sometimes they already had publishers in their native land, and there seemed to be a market for and interest in works about America.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The writers here sometimes looked homeward, to Italy (but also France and elsewhere), to find a publisher who was sufficiently interested in the adventures of an Italian in America -- the very title of Adolfo Rossi’s very entertaining &lt;em&gt;Un italiano in America --&lt;/em&gt; published in Milan. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Writers looked to foreign publishers to provide publication, and possibly readership, more in keeping with the traditional view of book publishing and book production values to which the more highly trained among the Italian journalists in America gravitated.  Some, like the Piedmontese aristocrat Mayor des Planches, who was Italian ambassador to Washington from 1901-1909, always intended to return to Italy, and did so.  Publication in Turin of his &lt;em&gt;Attraverso gli Stati Uniti – per l’emigrazione italiana&lt;/em&gt; occurred a good three or more years after his tour of duty was completed, and so he kept an admirable objectivity and cool demeanor toward the subject of his study. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Cordiferro’s &lt;em&gt;Ode alla Calabria&lt;/em&gt;, published in Buenos Aires in 1933, but reflecting a literary salon that had taken place in Brooklyn some years before, mirrored the broadly felt literary interest of the Italian diaspora wherever Italians might be in the writing of other emigrated Italians, and the global nature of Italian culture.  &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;&lt;strong&gt;L'Emigrazione Italiana in America: osservazioni&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/em&gt; [Italian Emigration to America: observations]. &lt;strong&gt;Piacenza: Tip. del Amico del Popolo, 1887.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>Observations by the well-known founder of the Scalabrinian order, Giovanni Battista Scalabrini (1839-1905), the founder of two other religious orders, and a prelate who visited Italian immigrants in the U.S. and in Brazil. Some discussion of issues particular to emigration to the U.S. are in this work, but the work is broader than that.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Scalabrini had strong devotees throughout his life, although his modesty led him several times to refuse elevations within the Church that would lead to his becoming a Cardinal.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The author, as Monsignor Scalabrini, inscribed this copy - which appears to have been deaccessioned from a library in Florence -  on the cover.</text>
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                <text>Giovanni Scalabrini</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Looking homeward: Publication in Italy (and elsewhere) of works about Americans and Italians&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>For a variety of reasons, Italians in America looking to publish their works in Italian did not or could not always find publishers in the U.S., and so they turned "homewards" to Italy. Sometimes they already had publishers in their native land, and there seemed to be a market for and interest in works about America.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The writers here sometimes looked homeward, to Italy (but also France and elsewhere), to find a publisher who was sufficiently interested in the adventures of an Italian in America -- the very title of Adolfo Rossi’s very entertaining &lt;em&gt;Un italiano in America --&lt;/em&gt; published in Milan. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Writers looked to foreign publishers to provide publication, and possibly readership, more in keeping with the traditional view of book publishing and book production values to which the more highly trained among the Italian journalists in America gravitated.  Some, like the Piedmontese aristocrat Mayor des Planches, who was Italian ambassador to Washington from 1901-1909, always intended to return to Italy, and did so.  Publication in Turin of his &lt;em&gt;Attraverso gli Stati Uniti – per l’emigrazione italiana&lt;/em&gt; occurred a good three or more years after his tour of duty was completed, and so he kept an admirable objectivity and cool demeanor toward the subject of his study. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Cordiferro’s &lt;em&gt;Ode alla Calabria&lt;/em&gt;, published in Buenos Aires in 1933, but reflecting a literary salon that had taken place in Brooklyn some years before, mirrored the broadly felt literary interest of the Italian diaspora wherever Italians might be in the writing of other emigrated Italians, and the global nature of Italian culture.  &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Gli Italiani in America&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/em&gt; [Italians in America]. &lt;strong&gt;Roma: Tip. di Giovanni Balbi, 1896.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>This analysis of Italian emigration to the Americas up to the mid-1890s is useful generally about early immigration.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;After about six pages generally on immigration to the Americas, there are about ten pages on emigration to the U.S. There are longer sections  on emigration to Argentina (about 14 pages), and Brazil (more than 20 pages), which makes sense given that immigrations to South America to some extent predated the initiation of mass migrations to North America in the 1880s.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;About ten years before the publication of this work, Vincenzo Grossi, a lecturer at the University of Genoa on American ethnography, gave a talk at the University of Turin about indigenous people in the Americas. This might be the same person. There was also a prominent Catholic priest - later canonized - by the same name (b. 1845 - d. 1917), but casual research has not revealed if it is the same person.</text>
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                <text>Vincenzo Grossi</text>
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                <text>Tip. di Giovanni Balbi</text>
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                <text>1896</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Histories, philosophy, biographies, directories, bibliographies, almanacs, catalogues, annuals, religious, educational, and travel literature&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>These largely non-political works reflect a broad pallette of non-fiction reflections on the history of Italians in the U.S., travel literature, biographies (like that of the Peanut King, Obici), or the religious, like Sister, later Mother, and final Saint Cabrini.</text>
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                  <text>In these non-fiction works, Italians reflected upon themselves and their American experiences. Representing the non-&lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt; type of immigrant, who were more interested in becoming American and “making it” in America than in stoking class warfare and remaking society, They began to place themselves in the context of contemporary American society and the history in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The release in 1921 of Alfredo Bosi’s &lt;em&gt;Cinquant’anni di vita italiana in America&lt;/em&gt;, the first history of Italians in the United States, represented a watershed - the first 50 years of Italians in America - and allegedly arose from a conversation between journalist Bosi and King Vittorio Emanuele of Italy in 1901, in which the king expressed curiosity about the Italian colony in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Luigi Roversi’s biography of Palma di Cesnola proudly places that Italian within the august homes of white Anglo-Saxon Protestant America, into which di Cesnola had married, and where he ruled as the first director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;More than the first half of Flamma’s “biography” of the greatest mayor New York City had ever seen, Fiorello LaGuardia, has little to do with La Guardia, unfortunately, but the work did reflect his obvious pride that after electing mayors in 29 other cities, Italians “finally” elected (in 1933) a mayor of Italian heritage to the country’s most important city. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The directories discussed here, from New York to San Francisco, provide a particularly rich source of information about the different businesses and professions Italians had in virtually every state of the union, from as early as the 1880s (in San Francisco) to the first few decades of the 20th Century (primarily in New York).</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;&lt;strong&gt;L'America ne' suoi primi fattori: la colonizzazione e l'emigrazione: Nuovi Orizzonti&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/em&gt; [America in its first factors: colonization and emigration: New Horizons]. &lt;strong&gt;Firenze: Tip. di G. Barbera, 1893.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>Guglielmo Godio</text>
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                <text>Tip. di G. Barbera</text>
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                <text>1893</text>
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                <text>19 x 12.5cm; 513 p.</text>
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                <text>This work of activist (in Italy) Giuseppe Godio first presented as part of "new horizons" the idea here that sending Italians to live in less than welcoming (economically, culturally, and climatically) colonies in Africa like Eritrea was expensive and difficult. Rather, the Americas, especially South America, had expanding economies and a better climate. That was a formula for success, and a much better alternative than Africa, one that would be more successful (and essentially cost-free to the Italian government). It was, he argued, a better way of spreading Italian culture, the Italian language, and of course the market place for Italian goods world wide. His work considers the native peoples of North and South America, among other topics.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On May 3, 1896, Godio presented the ideas from his book publically, with an impact on members of the Italian Parliament, according to Mark Choate in &lt;em&gt;Emigrant Nation: the Making of Italy Abroad. &lt;/em&gt;This was, argues Choate, something that Italian politicians spoke of as the "peaceful expansion" of Italy in the world, as opposed to the hostile reception Italians received in, say, Eritrea in Africa. At that time, after Italy's defeat at Adua by Ethiopian forces, Francesco Crispi's policy of military expansionism fell apart, which sidelined Africa and military conquests as central aims of Italian foreign policy. This alternative model of colonialism was set out in the journal &lt;em&gt;Riforma Sociale &lt;/em&gt;by economist Luigi Einaudi. Thus began the massive influx of Italians into North America.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The popularity of the work is suggested by the claim by the publisher on the cover that the book was in its third thousand of copies printed.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Godio was also the author of &lt;em&gt;Tarass Bulba: dramma lirico in 4 atti&lt;/em&gt; (1895), among other imaginative works.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Looking homeward: Publication in Italy (and elsewhere) of works about Americans and Italians&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>For a variety of reasons, Italians in America looking to publish their works in Italian did not or could not always find publishers in the U.S., and so they turned "homewards" to Italy. Sometimes they already had publishers in their native land, and there seemed to be a market for and interest in works about America.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The writers here sometimes looked homeward, to Italy (but also France and elsewhere), to find a publisher who was sufficiently interested in the adventures of an Italian in America -- the very title of Adolfo Rossi’s very entertaining &lt;em&gt;Un italiano in America --&lt;/em&gt; published in Milan. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Writers looked to foreign publishers to provide publication, and possibly readership, more in keeping with the traditional view of book publishing and book production values to which the more highly trained among the Italian journalists in America gravitated.  Some, like the Piedmontese aristocrat Mayor des Planches, who was Italian ambassador to Washington from 1901-1909, always intended to return to Italy, and did so.  Publication in Turin of his &lt;em&gt;Attraverso gli Stati Uniti – per l’emigrazione italiana&lt;/em&gt; occurred a good three or more years after his tour of duty was completed, and so he kept an admirable objectivity and cool demeanor toward the subject of his study. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Cordiferro’s &lt;em&gt;Ode alla Calabria&lt;/em&gt;, published in Buenos Aires in 1933, but reflecting a literary salon that had taken place in Brooklyn some years before, mirrored the broadly felt literary interest of the Italian diaspora wherever Italians might be in the writing of other emigrated Italians, and the global nature of Italian culture.  &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Italiani in America&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/em&gt; [Italians in America]. &lt;strong&gt;Milano: Fratelli Treves Editori, 1937.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>Amerigo Ruggiero</text>
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                <text>1937</text>
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                <text>22 x 15cm; 252 p.</text>
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                <text>Ruggiero (b. Grottole 1878 - d. Grassano 1959) was an Italian journalist who had taken a degree in surgery in Italy. He was a socialist in Naples, then took refuge from the police in an anarchist group.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;At the age of 29, in 1907, he emigrated to the U.S., where he joined his brother Amedeo, a pharmacist, who was already there. Amerigo contributed articles to &lt;em&gt;Il Progresso Italo-Americano, &lt;/em&gt;the magazine &lt;em&gt;Divagando, &lt;/em&gt;and &lt;em&gt;La Settimana&lt;/em&gt;, a bilingual newspaper founded by Italo Stanco and by Edward Corsi, which published correspondence from influential Italian correspondents, of whom Ruggiero of &lt;em&gt;La Stampa &lt;/em&gt;was one.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In 1936 he was sent by the U.S. State Department on a diplomatic mission to Mussolini, who was both a critic and an assiduous reader of Ruggiero. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The preface allegedly written by Piero Parini was in fact written by Mario Missiroli, a journalist who was out of favor with the fascists. Amerigo's brother, Ortensio, a noted anti-fascist, was the model for "Signor Orlando" in Amerigo's friend Carlo Levi's &lt;em&gt;Cristo si &lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;è&lt;/span&gt; fermato ad Eboli &lt;/em&gt;[Christ Stopped at Eboli]. Three years before &lt;em&gt;Italiani in America&lt;/em&gt;, Ruggiero published, with Einaudi, &lt;em&gt;L'America al bivio&lt;/em&gt; [America at the Crossroads]. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ruggiero says he has no intention of providing statistics about immigration; others have done so and will do so in the future, he says. Rather, he says, he wants to paint in great outline what Italian emigration has really been like, in North America, of the transformations which the great mass of Italian emigrants have suffered in a strange land, and what can be the prospects of those Italians in the future. He wants to dwell on the less noted aspects of immigration; it's about time, he says in his introduction, that someone shed light on the "deficienze e colpe [weaknesses and faults]" that have blocked the development of Italians in America.</text>
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                <text>Preface by Piero Parini</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Learning the languages: For Americans and Italians&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>Grammars and dictionaries - at first, imported from Italy, ones teaching English to native Italian speakers - were later supplemented by "home-grown" (that is, made in America) grammars especially designed for Italian immigrants, not like the grammars of decades before, designed for Italians in Italy wanting to learn English. </text>
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                  <text>The “languages” here are, of course, both English and Italian. In ways that I could not begin to perceive when I started collecting works in Italian, it was by no means a one-way street - that is, with Italian immigrants just wanting to learn English, with Italian as the vehicle to ease their way into learning English. Indeed, the two efforts are intimately related. &#13;
&#13;
First comes the “pre-history” to the world of the late 19th/early 20th century immigrants to New York and elsewhere in the U.S., namely, a period earlier in the 19th century, when Americans wanted to learn Italian, whether in colleges or with private lessons. This effort starts with Lorenzo Da Ponte, who came to the United States in 1805, and whose impact in those years cannot be overstated.&#13;
&#13;
Beginning with Da Ponte in the early 19th century, and continuing throughout the century, Italians delighted in teaching Americans how to read, speak and write in Italian. This collection of poetry was gathered mostly as teaching material – grammars, readers and dictionaries – that were in widespread use in the United States, primarily in the Northeast. Da Ponte wrote and published simple dramas for his private students and for those at Columbia College, where he became its first professor of Italian in 1825.  Da Ponte and his brother Carlo maintained a bookstore as well.  They shipped such publications throughout the United States wherever Italian was taught. Italian exiles in mid-century taught Italian to Americans eager to learn the language.&#13;
&#13;
Much later, in the late 19th century, Augusto Bassetti, Angelo De Gaudenzi and Francesco Zanolini, developed their own grammars, dictionaries and readers specifically designed to teach English to Italian immigrants. But the goal was also stated to be (particularly in Bassetti’s case) to help Italians simultaneously improve their knowledge of standard Italian, and thus enable them to read the Italian-language newspapers and even more the book-length publications that would soon come rolling out of print shops in New York and San Francisco. &#13;
&#13;
In the early 20th century, Alfonso Arbib-Costa published a series of “lezione” books designed to help Italian natives to learn English, as well as English-speakers to learn Italian. Perhaps even more significantly, Arbib-Costa’s lesson books, and those of Alberto Pecorino, helped Italian immigrants who brought to America largely an oral language, more typically dialect than standard Italian, learn how to read standard Italian.  This development created and sustained a class of readers for the newspapers and magazines, and ultimately, the critical mass necessary for the development of a literary culture.&#13;
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Grammatica Italiana per le scuole italiane all'estero; illustrazioni di testi&lt;/em&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;[Italian Grammar [illustrated, {fascist} Year XV]: for Italian schools abroad]. &lt;strong&gt;Roma: Direzione Generale Italiani all'estero, 1937 - XV.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>This is a good example of a textbook developed as part of the effort by the fascist government to encourage Italian language acquisition by Italians &lt;em&gt;fuori Italia&lt;/em&gt;, outside of Italy: note the government publisher, as well as "Anno [year] XV" of the fascist regime emblazoned proudly on the cover, while only the title page prints the year 1937 as well as fascist year XV. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The textbook is quite elegant in its own way, beginning with the gentle observation that of all the animals, most of which bark or meow, "solamente l'uomo possiede la preziosa facoltà di esprimere i suoi pensieri per mezzo della parola [only man possesses the precious faculty of expressing his thoughts by means of the word]." One wonders if this was the best approach for emigrants from Italy to the American "colony" to learn the mother tongue. The work is notably not crammed with text, but with an almost lavish use of drawings taking up a significant fraction of the page. Printed in Lecco.</text>
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                <text>Dante Giromini</text>
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                  <text>These largely non-political works reflect a broad pallette of non-fiction reflections on the history of Italians in the U.S., travel literature, biographies (like that of the Peanut King, Obici), or the religious, like Sister, later Mother, and final Saint Cabrini.</text>
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                  <text>In these non-fiction works, Italians reflected upon themselves and their American experiences. Representing the non-&lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt; type of immigrant, who were more interested in becoming American and “making it” in America than in stoking class warfare and remaking society, They began to place themselves in the context of contemporary American society and the history in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The release in 1921 of Alfredo Bosi’s &lt;em&gt;Cinquant’anni di vita italiana in America&lt;/em&gt;, the first history of Italians in the United States, represented a watershed - the first 50 years of Italians in America - and allegedly arose from a conversation between journalist Bosi and King Vittorio Emanuele of Italy in 1901, in which the king expressed curiosity about the Italian colony in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Luigi Roversi’s biography of Palma di Cesnola proudly places that Italian within the august homes of white Anglo-Saxon Protestant America, into which di Cesnola had married, and where he ruled as the first director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;More than the first half of Flamma’s “biography” of the greatest mayor New York City had ever seen, Fiorello LaGuardia, has little to do with La Guardia, unfortunately, but the work did reflect his obvious pride that after electing mayors in 29 other cities, Italians “finally” elected (in 1933) a mayor of Italian heritage to the country’s most important city. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The directories discussed here, from New York to San Francisco, provide a particularly rich source of information about the different businesses and professions Italians had in virtually every state of the union, from as early as the 1880s (in San Francisco) to the first few decades of the 20th Century (primarily in New York).</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Un viaggio nell' America del Nord&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/em&gt; [A Trip in North America]. &lt;strong&gt;Torino: Uff. Delle Let. Cattoliche, 1906.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                  <text>These largely non-political works reflect a broad pallette of non-fiction reflections on the history of Italians in the U.S., travel literature, biographies (like that of the Peanut King, Obici), or the religious, like Sister, later Mother, and final Saint Cabrini.</text>
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                  <text>In these non-fiction works, Italians reflected upon themselves and their American experiences. Representing the non-&lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt; type of immigrant, who were more interested in becoming American and “making it” in America than in stoking class warfare and remaking society, They began to place themselves in the context of contemporary American society and the history in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The release in 1921 of Alfredo Bosi’s &lt;em&gt;Cinquant’anni di vita italiana in America&lt;/em&gt;, the first history of Italians in the United States, represented a watershed - the first 50 years of Italians in America - and allegedly arose from a conversation between journalist Bosi and King Vittorio Emanuele of Italy in 1901, in which the king expressed curiosity about the Italian colony in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Luigi Roversi’s biography of Palma di Cesnola proudly places that Italian within the august homes of white Anglo-Saxon Protestant America, into which di Cesnola had married, and where he ruled as the first director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;More than the first half of Flamma’s “biography” of the greatest mayor New York City had ever seen, Fiorello LaGuardia, has little to do with La Guardia, unfortunately, but the work did reflect his obvious pride that after electing mayors in 29 other cities, Italians “finally” elected (in 1933) a mayor of Italian heritage to the country’s most important city. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The directories discussed here, from New York to San Francisco, provide a particularly rich source of information about the different businesses and professions Italians had in virtually every state of the union, from as early as the 1880s (in San Francisco) to the first few decades of the 20th Century (primarily in New York).</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Le mie prigioni; adapted for English schools &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[My Prisons]. &lt;strong&gt;London: Librairie Hachette, 1884.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>This is Silvio Pellico's much reprinted memoirs of his 10 years imprisonment in the Hapsburg's prison in Spielberg for advocating for the freedom of Italy from Bourbon rule. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There in prison he met several Italians who became refugees to the U.S., including Pietro Maroncelli. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is that somewhat slim connection that brings a copy of this famous work, in an unremarkable school edition, into the Collection.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Looking homeward: Publication in Italy (and elsewhere) of works about Americans and Italians&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>For a variety of reasons, Italians in America looking to publish their works in Italian did not or could not always find publishers in the U.S., and so they turned "homewards" to Italy. Sometimes they already had publishers in their native land, and there seemed to be a market for and interest in works about America.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The writers here sometimes looked homeward, to Italy (but also France and elsewhere), to find a publisher who was sufficiently interested in the adventures of an Italian in America -- the very title of Adolfo Rossi’s very entertaining &lt;em&gt;Un italiano in America --&lt;/em&gt; published in Milan. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Writers looked to foreign publishers to provide publication, and possibly readership, more in keeping with the traditional view of book publishing and book production values to which the more highly trained among the Italian journalists in America gravitated.  Some, like the Piedmontese aristocrat Mayor des Planches, who was Italian ambassador to Washington from 1901-1909, always intended to return to Italy, and did so.  Publication in Turin of his &lt;em&gt;Attraverso gli Stati Uniti – per l’emigrazione italiana&lt;/em&gt; occurred a good three or more years after his tour of duty was completed, and so he kept an admirable objectivity and cool demeanor toward the subject of his study. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Cordiferro’s &lt;em&gt;Ode alla Calabria&lt;/em&gt;, published in Buenos Aires in 1933, but reflecting a literary salon that had taken place in Brooklyn some years before, mirrored the broadly felt literary interest of the Italian diaspora wherever Italians might be in the writing of other emigrated Italians, and the global nature of Italian culture.  &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Ho rinunciato alla libertà&lt;/strong&gt; &lt;/em&gt;[I've Given Up Liberty]. &lt;strong&gt;Milano: Le edizioni sociali, 1950.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>Taddei published many works in the U.S. during the fascist era, when it would have been impossible to do so in Italy. Once the war was over, as is the case at the time of publication of this work, Taddei published in his native Italy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ezio Taddei (b. Livorno, 1895; d. Rome, 1956) was involved in Italian politics at an early age: at thirteen he was arrested for involvement in a demonstration connected with a nurses’ strike in a Roman hospital. When released from prison, he found the doors of his home closed to him, and began life as a vagabond. He was sentenced in February 1922, along with 32 other anarchists, by the Court of Assizzes in Genoa for conspiracy to destroy several private and public buildings. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Overall Taddei spent 18 years in Italian jails, first for his anti-bourgeois activities and later for his anti-fascist activities; these experiences animated and fueled much of his writing. War and imprisonment fostered his desire for social justice, reinforced by his reading, especially 19th-century Russian realist novels. The Russian radical Mikhail Bakunin, who arrived in Italy in 1864 and believed in immediate armed revolution, attracted intellectuals like Taddei; he and anarchist Errico Malatesta recur as models for the fictional alter egos under which Taddei wrote.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Martino Marazzi's &lt;em&gt;Voices of Italian America: a History of Early italian American Literature with a Critical Anthology &lt;/em&gt;(Madison, 2004) contains an excerpt from this work in translation, as well as a fine biographical introduction. Durante also has an extended biographical introduction and appraisal of Taddei's special place in Italian American letters, as well as an excerpt from an amusing story about him and Tresca.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As is evident from the contemporaneous translations into English of several of his volumes, Taddei (unlike nearly all of the other writers in this exhibition) enjoyed a significant, however brief, success in American intellectual circles. A frequent critic of the racist and anti-immigrant fervor in the U.S., in New York he was welcomed by Carlo Tresca and, following Tresca’s assassination in February 1943, made an impassioned speech on the street outside the offices of the radical newspaper &lt;em&gt;Il Martello&lt;/em&gt; about the need to find the assassin.</text>
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                <text>Ezio Taddei</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Imaginative literature of the great migration: Fiction, poetry, drama, music, and art in books, magazines, and other works on paper&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>During this period fiction, poetry and drama ranged from the sensational urban “mysteries” of Bernardino Ciambelli (never translated into English) to the arguably more literary and certainly more political fiction of Ezio Taddei. Unlike most of the others, Taddei enjoyed a significant, however brief, success in American intellectual circles, with English translations of most of his American works. Illustrations, such as those by Costantino Nivola (the first non-American admitted to the American Academy of Arts and Letters) in &lt;em&gt;Parole Colletive&lt;/em&gt;, matched the sophistication of Taddei’s writing. Poetry was written largely in dialect rather than the standard Italian used by the novelists, could be found in the poetry, of Calicchiu Pucciu, or Francesco Sisca. Drama, more than the other genres, was largely though not exclusively devoted to political education, and was often the central entertainment of May Day picnics of Italian leftists consisting of performances of the plays of Gigi Damiani or other dramatists, discussed in Section VII. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Italian American theatre began in New York in the 1870s. Theatre filled important emotional needs -- entertainment, a support system and social intercourse, supported by a network of fraternal and benevolent associations. Italian and European writers were introduced to immigrant audiences, whether in Italian, Neapolitan, Sicilian or other dialects. The Italian American experience furnished the subject matter for original plays written by Italian immigrant playwrights. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Among them, Eduardo Migliaccio, known as Farfariello, who appears in one of the playbills advertising his performance here, made the Italian American immigrant the hero of his dramatic creations. Riccardo Cordiferro, several of whose play scripts appear here, concerned himself in his plays, as in his philosophical writings, with the social conditions of the Italian immigrant, and was less action-oriented than, say, the hard-core work of the &lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt;. Women in the theatre, like Ria Rosa, whose playbills appear here, enjoyed freedom and an outlet for creativity not available to women who played out their lives in traditional domestic roles. Antonio Maiori introduced Shakespeare to his immigrant audiences in his southern Italian dialect productions. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Guglielmo Ricciardi, whose later memoirs appear in the collection, originated Italian American theatre in Brooklyn, and went on to a successful career in American theatre and cinema. Magazines reflected the politics of the publishers to a greater or lesser extent, whether of the nationalist (and later Fascist) &lt;em&gt;Il Carroccio&lt;/em&gt;, or Arturo Giovannitti’s literary but also politically leftist &lt;em&gt;Vita&lt;/em&gt;, Vincenzo Vacirca’s &lt;em&gt;Il Solco&lt;/em&gt;, Ernesto Vallentini’s socialist &lt;em&gt;Zarathustra&lt;/em&gt;, or Enrico Arrigoni’s anarchist-individualist &lt;em&gt;Eresia&lt;/em&gt;, all of which are reflected in the collection. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The generically (and gently) leftist and anti-clerical &lt;em&gt;La Follia di New York&lt;/em&gt; was was one of the earliest, in the 1890s, begun by the Sisca family (of whom Alessandro, pen name Riccardo Cordiferro, was the most celebrated), and was perhaps the single longest-lived magazine published in Italian in the U.S. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cordiferro’s brother, Marziale Sisca, packaged the caricatures of the charismatic Enrico Caruso that adorned the pages of &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt; into a book that went through many editions, beginning in 1908 and continuing with an edition as late as 1965, which suggests that it financially sustained &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt;. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Evidence of widespread cultural influence may be found in publications which included letters from enthusiastic readers or reviewers preceding or following the work itself, much like today’s review blurbs, and also lists of subscribers from around the entire country.</text>
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                  <text>While the amount of political literature (anarchist, socialist, fascist) in the collection suggests its prevalence in the Italian American community, it might well be the great survival rate of those materials that's responsible. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The non-political imaginative literature created in Italian by the Italian community in the U.S., richer in wildly varying qualities, philosophies and interests than the political literature perhaps, provide a three-dimensional view of the Italian community.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;&lt;strong&gt;C'è posta per voi, Mr. Brown!&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/em&gt; [There's Mail for You, Mr. Brown!]. &lt;strong&gt;Roma: Ed. Di Cultura Sociale, 1953.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>Ezio Taddei</text>
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                <text>Taddei published many works in the U.S. during the fascist era, when it would have been impossible to do so in Italy. Once the war was over, as is the case at the time of publication of this work, Taddei published in his native Italy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ezio Taddei (b. Livorno, 1895 - d. Rome, 1956) was involved in Italian politics at an early age: at thirteen he was arrested for involvement in a demonstration connected with a nurses’ strike in a Roman hospital. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;When released from prison, he found the doors of his home closed to him, and began life as a vagabond. He was sentenced in February 1922, along with 32 other anarchists, by the Court of Assizzes in Genoa for conspiracy to destroy several private and public buildings. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Overall Taddei spent 18 years in Italian jails, first for his anti-bourgeois activities and later for his anti-fascist activities; these experiences animated and fueled much of his writing. War and imprisonment fostered his desire for social justice, reinforced by his reading, especially 19th-century Russian realist novels. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Russian radical Mikhail Bakunin, who arrived in Italy in 1864 and believed in immediate armed revolution, attracted intellectuals like Taddei; he and anarchist Errico Malatesta recur as models for the fictional alter egos under which Taddei wrote.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Durante and Marazzi have extended biographical introductions and appraisals of Taddei's special place in Italian American letters, as well as excerpts from his works. &lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Histories, philosophy, biographies, directories, bibliographies, almanacs, catalogues, annuals, religious, educational, and travel literature&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>These largely non-political works reflect a broad pallette of non-fiction reflections on the history of Italians in the U.S., travel literature, biographies (like that of the Peanut King, Obici), or the religious, like Sister, later Mother, and final Saint Cabrini.</text>
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                  <text>In these non-fiction works, Italians reflected upon themselves and their American experiences. Representing the non-&lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt; type of immigrant, who were more interested in becoming American and “making it” in America than in stoking class warfare and remaking society, They began to place themselves in the context of contemporary American society and the history in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The release in 1921 of Alfredo Bosi’s &lt;em&gt;Cinquant’anni di vita italiana in America&lt;/em&gt;, the first history of Italians in the United States, represented a watershed - the first 50 years of Italians in America - and allegedly arose from a conversation between journalist Bosi and King Vittorio Emanuele of Italy in 1901, in which the king expressed curiosity about the Italian colony in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Luigi Roversi’s biography of Palma di Cesnola proudly places that Italian within the august homes of white Anglo-Saxon Protestant America, into which di Cesnola had married, and where he ruled as the first director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;More than the first half of Flamma’s “biography” of the greatest mayor New York City had ever seen, Fiorello LaGuardia, has little to do with La Guardia, unfortunately, but the work did reflect his obvious pride that after electing mayors in 29 other cities, Italians “finally” elected (in 1933) a mayor of Italian heritage to the country’s most important city. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The directories discussed here, from New York to San Francisco, provide a particularly rich source of information about the different businesses and professions Italians had in virtually every state of the union, from as early as the 1880s (in San Francisco) to the first few decades of the 20th Century (primarily in New York).</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Poeti Calabresi in America&lt;/strong&gt; &lt;/em&gt;[Calabrese Poets in America].&lt;strong&gt; Bergamo: La Nuova Italia Letteraria, 1957.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>ALthough published in Bergamo, the author's introduction is dated New Kensington, PA, May 12, 1956. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Calabrese poets whose undated work is included in this post-war anthology include those as early as Riccardo Cordiferro and his father, Francesco Sisca, as well as Michele Pane, and Spataro himself. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The work was both published and printed in Bergamo.</text>
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                  <text>These largely non-political works reflect a broad pallette of non-fiction reflections on the history of Italians in the U.S., travel literature, biographies (like that of the Peanut King, Obici), or the religious, like Sister, later Mother, and final Saint Cabrini.</text>
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                  <text>In these non-fiction works, Italians reflected upon themselves and their American experiences. Representing the non-&lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt; type of immigrant, who were more interested in becoming American and “making it” in America than in stoking class warfare and remaking society, They began to place themselves in the context of contemporary American society and the history in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The release in 1921 of Alfredo Bosi’s &lt;em&gt;Cinquant’anni di vita italiana in America&lt;/em&gt;, the first history of Italians in the United States, represented a watershed - the first 50 years of Italians in America - and allegedly arose from a conversation between journalist Bosi and King Vittorio Emanuele of Italy in 1901, in which the king expressed curiosity about the Italian colony in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Luigi Roversi’s biography of Palma di Cesnola proudly places that Italian within the august homes of white Anglo-Saxon Protestant America, into which di Cesnola had married, and where he ruled as the first director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;More than the first half of Flamma’s “biography” of the greatest mayor New York City had ever seen, Fiorello LaGuardia, has little to do with La Guardia, unfortunately, but the work did reflect his obvious pride that after electing mayors in 29 other cities, Italians “finally” elected (in 1933) a mayor of Italian heritage to the country’s most important city. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The directories discussed here, from New York to San Francisco, provide a particularly rich source of information about the different businesses and professions Italians had in virtually every state of the union, from as early as the 1880s (in San Francisco) to the first few decades of the 20th Century (primarily in New York).</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Fra gli italiani degli Stati Uniti d'America &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/em&gt;[Among the Italians of the United States of America]. &lt;strong&gt;Roma: Stabilimento Poligrafico per l'amministrazione della guerra, 1922.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>Siciliani (b. 1879 Ciro, Calabria - d. Roma 1938) was capo (or head) di Stato Maggiore (the general staff) to General Pietro Badoglio at the time of publishing this work about his trip to America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The work begins with a facsimile of a handwritten letter by Badoglio to Sicliani exhorting him to use his trip to America to explain how glorious Italy's war victories have been. I have not perused &lt;em&gt;Il Progresso&lt;/em&gt; or other American Italian newspapers to find out if there are reports of Siciliani's visit. American Italian reactions to the trip would be interesting to know.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Siciliani rose to become a general. He was the deputy governor of Cyrenaica (January 1929-March 1930) in Italian East Africa, representing Badoglio, who had become the governor of Tripolitana and Cyrenaica beginning in January, 1929. Earlier in that decade, he had been military attaché to Brazil and aide-de-camp to the King.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Imaginative literature of the great migration: Fiction, poetry, drama, music, and art in books, magazines, and other works on paper&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>During this period fiction, poetry and drama ranged from the sensational urban “mysteries” of Bernardino Ciambelli (never translated into English) to the arguably more literary and certainly more political fiction of Ezio Taddei. Unlike most of the others, Taddei enjoyed a significant, however brief, success in American intellectual circles, with English translations of most of his American works. Illustrations, such as those by Costantino Nivola (the first non-American admitted to the American Academy of Arts and Letters) in &lt;em&gt;Parole Colletive&lt;/em&gt;, matched the sophistication of Taddei’s writing. Poetry was written largely in dialect rather than the standard Italian used by the novelists, could be found in the poetry, of Calicchiu Pucciu, or Francesco Sisca. Drama, more than the other genres, was largely though not exclusively devoted to political education, and was often the central entertainment of May Day picnics of Italian leftists consisting of performances of the plays of Gigi Damiani or other dramatists, discussed in Section VII. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Italian American theatre began in New York in the 1870s. Theatre filled important emotional needs -- entertainment, a support system and social intercourse, supported by a network of fraternal and benevolent associations. Italian and European writers were introduced to immigrant audiences, whether in Italian, Neapolitan, Sicilian or other dialects. The Italian American experience furnished the subject matter for original plays written by Italian immigrant playwrights. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Among them, Eduardo Migliaccio, known as Farfariello, who appears in one of the playbills advertising his performance here, made the Italian American immigrant the hero of his dramatic creations. Riccardo Cordiferro, several of whose play scripts appear here, concerned himself in his plays, as in his philosophical writings, with the social conditions of the Italian immigrant, and was less action-oriented than, say, the hard-core work of the &lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt;. Women in the theatre, like Ria Rosa, whose playbills appear here, enjoyed freedom and an outlet for creativity not available to women who played out their lives in traditional domestic roles. Antonio Maiori introduced Shakespeare to his immigrant audiences in his southern Italian dialect productions. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Guglielmo Ricciardi, whose later memoirs appear in the collection, originated Italian American theatre in Brooklyn, and went on to a successful career in American theatre and cinema. Magazines reflected the politics of the publishers to a greater or lesser extent, whether of the nationalist (and later Fascist) &lt;em&gt;Il Carroccio&lt;/em&gt;, or Arturo Giovannitti’s literary but also politically leftist &lt;em&gt;Vita&lt;/em&gt;, Vincenzo Vacirca’s &lt;em&gt;Il Solco&lt;/em&gt;, Ernesto Vallentini’s socialist &lt;em&gt;Zarathustra&lt;/em&gt;, or Enrico Arrigoni’s anarchist-individualist &lt;em&gt;Eresia&lt;/em&gt;, all of which are reflected in the collection. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The generically (and gently) leftist and anti-clerical &lt;em&gt;La Follia di New York&lt;/em&gt; was was one of the earliest, in the 1890s, begun by the Sisca family (of whom Alessandro, pen name Riccardo Cordiferro, was the most celebrated), and was perhaps the single longest-lived magazine published in Italian in the U.S. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cordiferro’s brother, Marziale Sisca, packaged the caricatures of the charismatic Enrico Caruso that adorned the pages of &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt; into a book that went through many editions, beginning in 1908 and continuing with an edition as late as 1965, which suggests that it financially sustained &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt;. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Evidence of widespread cultural influence may be found in publications which included letters from enthusiastic readers or reviewers preceding or following the work itself, much like today’s review blurbs, and also lists of subscribers from around the entire country.</text>
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                  <text>While the amount of political literature (anarchist, socialist, fascist) in the collection suggests its prevalence in the Italian American community, it might well be the great survival rate of those materials that's responsible. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The non-political imaginative literature created in Italian by the Italian community in the U.S., richer in wildly varying qualities, philosophies and interests than the political literature perhaps, provide a three-dimensional view of the Italian community.</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Accordi e dissonanze&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; [Harmonies and Dissonances]. &lt;strong&gt;Milano: Editrice Convivio Letterario, 1958.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>Several of the poems from this Italian original  collection are translated in Martino Marazzi's &lt;em&gt;Voices of Italian America: a History of Early Italian American Literature with a Critical Anthology&lt;/em&gt; (Madison, 2004).</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Histories, philosophy, biographies, directories, bibliographies, almanacs, catalogues, annuals, religious, educational, and travel literature&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>These largely non-political works reflect a broad pallette of non-fiction reflections on the history of Italians in the U.S., travel literature, biographies (like that of the Peanut King, Obici), or the religious, like Sister, later Mother, and final Saint Cabrini.</text>
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                  <text>In these non-fiction works, Italians reflected upon themselves and their American experiences. Representing the non-&lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt; type of immigrant, who were more interested in becoming American and “making it” in America than in stoking class warfare and remaking society, They began to place themselves in the context of contemporary American society and the history in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The release in 1921 of Alfredo Bosi’s &lt;em&gt;Cinquant’anni di vita italiana in America&lt;/em&gt;, the first history of Italians in the United States, represented a watershed - the first 50 years of Italians in America - and allegedly arose from a conversation between journalist Bosi and King Vittorio Emanuele of Italy in 1901, in which the king expressed curiosity about the Italian colony in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Luigi Roversi’s biography of Palma di Cesnola proudly places that Italian within the august homes of white Anglo-Saxon Protestant America, into which di Cesnola had married, and where he ruled as the first director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;More than the first half of Flamma’s “biography” of the greatest mayor New York City had ever seen, Fiorello LaGuardia, has little to do with La Guardia, unfortunately, but the work did reflect his obvious pride that after electing mayors in 29 other cities, Italians “finally” elected (in 1933) a mayor of Italian heritage to the country’s most important city. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The directories discussed here, from New York to San Francisco, provide a particularly rich source of information about the different businesses and professions Italians had in virtually every state of the union, from as early as the 1880s (in San Francisco) to the first few decades of the 20th Century (primarily in New York).</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;I trapiantati&lt;/em&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;[The Transplanted]. &lt;strong&gt;Milano: Longanesi &amp;amp; Co., 1963.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>Taking in this amalgam of columns he wrote for an Italian newspaper a sometimes sympathetic but often condescending view of Italian Americans, not atypical for Italians of his class and that period of time, Prezzolini said they were not a "blend" of Italian and American, but rather they were Italians &lt;em&gt;manqué&lt;/em&gt;, lacking the language of their fathers, and thus spiritually empty, and also Americans &lt;em&gt;manqué, i.e.&lt;/em&gt;, not fully American, either.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He also famously called them "touchy" (permalosi) about perceived slights to their dignity. He was mystified by American culture in general, mostly reflecting on the superiority of Italian culture.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It seems not to have dawned on Prezzolini that the alleged mediocrity of Italians in America, for example, even when they were educated and became professionals - to the extent this view had any merit - might change after the time he was writing, as indeed it did, with Italian Americans moving into the front ranks of science, medicine, law and academe, among other fields, in the decades that were to follow the publication of Prezzolini's book.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Prezzolini's long tenure as director of the Casa Italiana at Columbia University was a controversial one, especially given his lack of sympathy for anti-fascist exiles who came to the U.S.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Nevertheless,&lt;em&gt; I trapiantati&lt;/em&gt;, which has now been published in an English translation by Bordighera Press as &lt;em&gt;The Transplants, &lt;/em&gt;remains an important portrait of Italian Americans at a certain point in time by this often astute observer.</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Mastro Bertuchello e il tesoro dei ventimiglia &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[Master Bertuchello and the Treasure of the 20,000]. &lt;strong&gt;Milano: Casa ed. "La Madonnina" di Milano, 1950.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>This is an Italian Book Company import: underneath the name of the Casa ed. "La Madonnina," the Milanese publisher on the cover, is the notice that the Italian Book Company is "the only custodian [for this work] in the United States of North America." As I note elsewhere, the Italian Book Company was extremely protective of its legal rights as the sole importer from Italy of popular works of fiction and, especially, sheet music.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;div class="n6owBd awi2gc"&gt;&lt;em class="eujQNb"&gt;Mastro Bertuchello e il tesoro dei Ventimiglia&lt;/em&gt; is actually two consecutive historical novels by Luigi Natoli (&lt;em class="eujQNb"&gt;Mastro Bertuchello&lt;/em&gt; and &lt;em class="eujQNb"&gt;Il tesoro dei Ventimiglia&lt;/em&gt;, often published as &lt;em class="eujQNb"&gt;Latini e Catalani&lt;/em&gt;). Set in 16th-century medieval Sicily, the plot follows a humble, bookish teacher, Mastro Bertuchello, navigating a dangerous landscape of civil war and palace conspiracies.&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div class="n6owBd awi2gc"&gt;The story centers on the brutal, fratricidal power struggles between major Sicilian baronial factions (such as the Chiaramonte, Ventimiglia, and Palizzi families) as they attempt to wrest supreme authority away from a weakening Aragonese crown. Across the two volumes:&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;ul class="KsbFXc U6u95"&gt;&lt;li class="Z1qcYe"&gt;&lt;span class="T286Pc"&gt;&lt;strong class="Yjhzub"&gt;Volume 1 (&lt;em class="eujQNb"&gt;Mastro Bertuchello&lt;/em&gt;):&lt;/strong&gt; Introduces Bertuchello, who wanders the alleyways of Palermo during these bloody aristocratic feuds. He acts as a centering, protective figure while witnessing the shifting allegiances and political turmoil.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li class="Z1qcYe"&gt;&lt;span class="T286Pc"&gt;&lt;strong class="Yjhzub"&gt;Volume 2 (&lt;em class="eujQNb"&gt;Il tesoro dei Ventimiglia&lt;/em&gt;):&lt;/strong&gt; Picks up years later with Bertuchello and others now embroiled in a hunt for a massive Ventimiglia family treasure, the existence of which has become a powerful, highly sought-after legend.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
"William Galt," i.e., Luigi Natoli of Palermo, was one of the then contemporary Italian novelists (like Guido Bassi, author of a long-running serial, &lt;em&gt;Sangue Siciliano  &lt;/em&gt;published both in Italy and in the U.S.) quite popular among Italian Americans, one whose works were either published in the U.S. or, as in this case, imported from Italy.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Imaginative literature of the great migration: Fiction, poetry, drama, music, and art in books, magazines, and other works on paper&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>During this period fiction, poetry and drama ranged from the sensational urban “mysteries” of Bernardino Ciambelli (never translated into English) to the arguably more literary and certainly more political fiction of Ezio Taddei. Unlike most of the others, Taddei enjoyed a significant, however brief, success in American intellectual circles, with English translations of most of his American works. Illustrations, such as those by Costantino Nivola (the first non-American admitted to the American Academy of Arts and Letters) in &lt;em&gt;Parole Colletive&lt;/em&gt;, matched the sophistication of Taddei’s writing. Poetry was written largely in dialect rather than the standard Italian used by the novelists, could be found in the poetry, of Calicchiu Pucciu, or Francesco Sisca. Drama, more than the other genres, was largely though not exclusively devoted to political education, and was often the central entertainment of May Day picnics of Italian leftists consisting of performances of the plays of Gigi Damiani or other dramatists, discussed in Section VII. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Italian American theatre began in New York in the 1870s. Theatre filled important emotional needs -- entertainment, a support system and social intercourse, supported by a network of fraternal and benevolent associations. Italian and European writers were introduced to immigrant audiences, whether in Italian, Neapolitan, Sicilian or other dialects. The Italian American experience furnished the subject matter for original plays written by Italian immigrant playwrights. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Among them, Eduardo Migliaccio, known as Farfariello, who appears in one of the playbills advertising his performance here, made the Italian American immigrant the hero of his dramatic creations. Riccardo Cordiferro, several of whose play scripts appear here, concerned himself in his plays, as in his philosophical writings, with the social conditions of the Italian immigrant, and was less action-oriented than, say, the hard-core work of the &lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt;. Women in the theatre, like Ria Rosa, whose playbills appear here, enjoyed freedom and an outlet for creativity not available to women who played out their lives in traditional domestic roles. Antonio Maiori introduced Shakespeare to his immigrant audiences in his southern Italian dialect productions. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Guglielmo Ricciardi, whose later memoirs appear in the collection, originated Italian American theatre in Brooklyn, and went on to a successful career in American theatre and cinema. Magazines reflected the politics of the publishers to a greater or lesser extent, whether of the nationalist (and later Fascist) &lt;em&gt;Il Carroccio&lt;/em&gt;, or Arturo Giovannitti’s literary but also politically leftist &lt;em&gt;Vita&lt;/em&gt;, Vincenzo Vacirca’s &lt;em&gt;Il Solco&lt;/em&gt;, Ernesto Vallentini’s socialist &lt;em&gt;Zarathustra&lt;/em&gt;, or Enrico Arrigoni’s anarchist-individualist &lt;em&gt;Eresia&lt;/em&gt;, all of which are reflected in the collection. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The generically (and gently) leftist and anti-clerical &lt;em&gt;La Follia di New York&lt;/em&gt; was was one of the earliest, in the 1890s, begun by the Sisca family (of whom Alessandro, pen name Riccardo Cordiferro, was the most celebrated), and was perhaps the single longest-lived magazine published in Italian in the U.S. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cordiferro’s brother, Marziale Sisca, packaged the caricatures of the charismatic Enrico Caruso that adorned the pages of &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt; into a book that went through many editions, beginning in 1908 and continuing with an edition as late as 1965, which suggests that it financially sustained &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt;. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Evidence of widespread cultural influence may be found in publications which included letters from enthusiastic readers or reviewers preceding or following the work itself, much like today’s review blurbs, and also lists of subscribers from around the entire country.</text>
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                  <text>While the amount of political literature (anarchist, socialist, fascist) in the collection suggests its prevalence in the Italian American community, it might well be the great survival rate of those materials that's responsible. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The non-political imaginative literature created in Italian by the Italian community in the U.S., richer in wildly varying qualities, philosophies and interests than the political literature perhaps, provide a three-dimensional view of the Italian community.</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Quando l'amore bussa…operetta in tre atti&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; [When Love Comes Knocking. . . operetta in three acts]. &lt;strong&gt;Napoli: Casa Ed. Gennarelli, 1921.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>This import of an operetta (with a book by Alfredo Napolitano, music by Oscar Cattedra) is itself dated and copyrighted 1922, a year after the 1921 publication in Italy. However, note the lower part of the cover, where the 1922 U.S. copyright is imprecisely (in my opinion) listed as by "Italian Book-Store," which is almost surely the Italian Book Company. (There was no "Italian Book-Store" at that time in New York or elsewhere.) The imprecision is also suggestive of the possibility that the Italian Book Company did not actually acquire the U.S. copyright, and hid its tracks by this slight alteration of its name.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There is a 1986 recording of a song with this name on YouTube, but it is not obvious whether it is from this operetta.</text>
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                <text>Alfredo Napolitano</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Imaginative literature of the great migration: Fiction, poetry, drama, music, and art in books, magazines, and other works on paper&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>During this period fiction, poetry and drama ranged from the sensational urban “mysteries” of Bernardino Ciambelli (never translated into English) to the arguably more literary and certainly more political fiction of Ezio Taddei. Unlike most of the others, Taddei enjoyed a significant, however brief, success in American intellectual circles, with English translations of most of his American works. Illustrations, such as those by Costantino Nivola (the first non-American admitted to the American Academy of Arts and Letters) in &lt;em&gt;Parole Colletive&lt;/em&gt;, matched the sophistication of Taddei’s writing. Poetry was written largely in dialect rather than the standard Italian used by the novelists, could be found in the poetry, of Calicchiu Pucciu, or Francesco Sisca. Drama, more than the other genres, was largely though not exclusively devoted to political education, and was often the central entertainment of May Day picnics of Italian leftists consisting of performances of the plays of Gigi Damiani or other dramatists, discussed in Section VII. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Italian American theatre began in New York in the 1870s. Theatre filled important emotional needs -- entertainment, a support system and social intercourse, supported by a network of fraternal and benevolent associations. Italian and European writers were introduced to immigrant audiences, whether in Italian, Neapolitan, Sicilian or other dialects. The Italian American experience furnished the subject matter for original plays written by Italian immigrant playwrights. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Among them, Eduardo Migliaccio, known as Farfariello, who appears in one of the playbills advertising his performance here, made the Italian American immigrant the hero of his dramatic creations. Riccardo Cordiferro, several of whose play scripts appear here, concerned himself in his plays, as in his philosophical writings, with the social conditions of the Italian immigrant, and was less action-oriented than, say, the hard-core work of the &lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt;. Women in the theatre, like Ria Rosa, whose playbills appear here, enjoyed freedom and an outlet for creativity not available to women who played out their lives in traditional domestic roles. Antonio Maiori introduced Shakespeare to his immigrant audiences in his southern Italian dialect productions. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Guglielmo Ricciardi, whose later memoirs appear in the collection, originated Italian American theatre in Brooklyn, and went on to a successful career in American theatre and cinema. Magazines reflected the politics of the publishers to a greater or lesser extent, whether of the nationalist (and later Fascist) &lt;em&gt;Il Carroccio&lt;/em&gt;, or Arturo Giovannitti’s literary but also politically leftist &lt;em&gt;Vita&lt;/em&gt;, Vincenzo Vacirca’s &lt;em&gt;Il Solco&lt;/em&gt;, Ernesto Vallentini’s socialist &lt;em&gt;Zarathustra&lt;/em&gt;, or Enrico Arrigoni’s anarchist-individualist &lt;em&gt;Eresia&lt;/em&gt;, all of which are reflected in the collection. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The generically (and gently) leftist and anti-clerical &lt;em&gt;La Follia di New York&lt;/em&gt; was was one of the earliest, in the 1890s, begun by the Sisca family (of whom Alessandro, pen name Riccardo Cordiferro, was the most celebrated), and was perhaps the single longest-lived magazine published in Italian in the U.S. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cordiferro’s brother, Marziale Sisca, packaged the caricatures of the charismatic Enrico Caruso that adorned the pages of &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt; into a book that went through many editions, beginning in 1908 and continuing with an edition as late as 1965, which suggests that it financially sustained &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt;. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Evidence of widespread cultural influence may be found in publications which included letters from enthusiastic readers or reviewers preceding or following the work itself, much like today’s review blurbs, and also lists of subscribers from around the entire country.</text>
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                  <text>While the amount of political literature (anarchist, socialist, fascist) in the collection suggests its prevalence in the Italian American community, it might well be the great survival rate of those materials that's responsible. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The non-political imaginative literature created in Italian by the Italian community in the U.S., richer in wildly varying qualities, philosophies and interests than the political literature perhaps, provide a three-dimensional view of the Italian community.</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Bolocchi e profumi: tango&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; [Playthings and Fragrances: tango]. &lt;strong&gt;Napoli: Casa ed. Musicale Tip.-Lit. F. De Luca &lt;/strong&gt;[imported by Italian Book Co.],&lt;strong&gt; 1929.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>This sheet music, like much of this genre imported by the Italian Book Company from Italy, was published in Italy by Casa ed. Musicale Tip.-Lit. F. De Luca, Napoli.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But in case there was any doubt, on the cover, the verso of the cover, and on page 2 of the sheet music itself, there is printed "copyright 1929 by Italian Book Co. 145-147 Mulberry Street - New-York. | This copy can be imported in the U.S. only by the Italian Book Co. of New-York." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A number of the business records of the IBC make clear how important a part of its business was the importing of sheet music, music rolls and even musical instruments, as well as books.</text>
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                <text>E.A. Mario</text>
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                <text>1929</text>
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                <text>34 x 24.5cm; [n.p.]</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Guides, rulebooks, domestic aids, "keys", model speeches, and letters, for the protection of Italians and to enable them to become Americans&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Al di là dell' Oceano: per i nostri emigranti &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/em&gt;[Life beyond the ocean: for our emigrants.]&lt;strong&gt; Tivoli: Tipografia Ed. Moderna, 1914.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>The author (about whom I have found nothing) tries to warn Italians that before they decide to emigrate either to North or to South America, they ought to know Italian laws on emigration, and what to expect when they arrive (and where to go), and what life is like in the U.S., Argentina and Brazil.</text>
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                <text>Dot. Filippo Faccenna</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Histories, philosophy, biographies, directories, bibliographies, almanacs, catalogues, annuals, religious, educational, and travel literature&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>These largely non-political works reflect a broad pallette of non-fiction reflections on the history of Italians in the U.S., travel literature, biographies (like that of the Peanut King, Obici), or the religious, like Sister, later Mother, and final Saint Cabrini.</text>
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                  <text>In these non-fiction works, Italians reflected upon themselves and their American experiences. Representing the non-&lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt; type of immigrant, who were more interested in becoming American and “making it” in America than in stoking class warfare and remaking society, They began to place themselves in the context of contemporary American society and the history in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The release in 1921 of Alfredo Bosi’s &lt;em&gt;Cinquant’anni di vita italiana in America&lt;/em&gt;, the first history of Italians in the United States, represented a watershed - the first 50 years of Italians in America - and allegedly arose from a conversation between journalist Bosi and King Vittorio Emanuele of Italy in 1901, in which the king expressed curiosity about the Italian colony in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Luigi Roversi’s biography of Palma di Cesnola proudly places that Italian within the august homes of white Anglo-Saxon Protestant America, into which di Cesnola had married, and where he ruled as the first director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;More than the first half of Flamma’s “biography” of the greatest mayor New York City had ever seen, Fiorello LaGuardia, has little to do with La Guardia, unfortunately, but the work did reflect his obvious pride that after electing mayors in 29 other cities, Italians “finally” elected (in 1933) a mayor of Italian heritage to the country’s most important city. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The directories discussed here, from New York to San Francisco, provide a particularly rich source of information about the different businesses and professions Italians had in virtually every state of the union, from as early as the 1880s (in San Francisco) to the first few decades of the 20th Century (primarily in New York).</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;La democrazia e l'emigrazione in America &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[Democracy and Emigration in America]. &lt;strong&gt;Brescia: Morcelliana, 1964.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>The signature stamp of Leonard Covello, the profoundly influential Italian-American educator in East Harlem, reflects his ownership of this copy of Dore's work, surely one of the four or five most highly cited sources of historical and sociological analysis of Italian emigration to America from the perspective of Italy in the 1960s. Covello used Dore's work in writing his monumental &lt;em&gt;The Social Background of the Italo-American School Child&lt;/em&gt;. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1967.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dore's work also contains an excellent and thorough bibliography of immigration of 105 pages, which includes among its titles Luigi Bodio's &lt;em&gt;Della protezione degli emigranti italiani in America&lt;/em&gt;, q.v., and works of Amy Bernardy and Eugenio Branchi, several of each of which are in the collection. This bibliography remains one of the best sources of Italian materials published in Italy about the subject of immigration, or imaginative renderings of it (as in Branchi's work) up to this point.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Imaginative literature of the great migration: Fiction, poetry, drama, music, and art in books, magazines, and other works on paper&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>During this period fiction, poetry and drama ranged from the sensational urban “mysteries” of Bernardino Ciambelli (never translated into English) to the arguably more literary and certainly more political fiction of Ezio Taddei. Unlike most of the others, Taddei enjoyed a significant, however brief, success in American intellectual circles, with English translations of most of his American works. Illustrations, such as those by Costantino Nivola (the first non-American admitted to the American Academy of Arts and Letters) in &lt;em&gt;Parole Colletive&lt;/em&gt;, matched the sophistication of Taddei’s writing. Poetry was written largely in dialect rather than the standard Italian used by the novelists, could be found in the poetry, of Calicchiu Pucciu, or Francesco Sisca. Drama, more than the other genres, was largely though not exclusively devoted to political education, and was often the central entertainment of May Day picnics of Italian leftists consisting of performances of the plays of Gigi Damiani or other dramatists, discussed in Section VII. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Italian American theatre began in New York in the 1870s. Theatre filled important emotional needs -- entertainment, a support system and social intercourse, supported by a network of fraternal and benevolent associations. Italian and European writers were introduced to immigrant audiences, whether in Italian, Neapolitan, Sicilian or other dialects. The Italian American experience furnished the subject matter for original plays written by Italian immigrant playwrights. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Among them, Eduardo Migliaccio, known as Farfariello, who appears in one of the playbills advertising his performance here, made the Italian American immigrant the hero of his dramatic creations. Riccardo Cordiferro, several of whose play scripts appear here, concerned himself in his plays, as in his philosophical writings, with the social conditions of the Italian immigrant, and was less action-oriented than, say, the hard-core work of the &lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt;. Women in the theatre, like Ria Rosa, whose playbills appear here, enjoyed freedom and an outlet for creativity not available to women who played out their lives in traditional domestic roles. Antonio Maiori introduced Shakespeare to his immigrant audiences in his southern Italian dialect productions. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Guglielmo Ricciardi, whose later memoirs appear in the collection, originated Italian American theatre in Brooklyn, and went on to a successful career in American theatre and cinema. Magazines reflected the politics of the publishers to a greater or lesser extent, whether of the nationalist (and later Fascist) &lt;em&gt;Il Carroccio&lt;/em&gt;, or Arturo Giovannitti’s literary but also politically leftist &lt;em&gt;Vita&lt;/em&gt;, Vincenzo Vacirca’s &lt;em&gt;Il Solco&lt;/em&gt;, Ernesto Vallentini’s socialist &lt;em&gt;Zarathustra&lt;/em&gt;, or Enrico Arrigoni’s anarchist-individualist &lt;em&gt;Eresia&lt;/em&gt;, all of which are reflected in the collection. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The generically (and gently) leftist and anti-clerical &lt;em&gt;La Follia di New York&lt;/em&gt; was was one of the earliest, in the 1890s, begun by the Sisca family (of whom Alessandro, pen name Riccardo Cordiferro, was the most celebrated), and was perhaps the single longest-lived magazine published in Italian in the U.S. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cordiferro’s brother, Marziale Sisca, packaged the caricatures of the charismatic Enrico Caruso that adorned the pages of &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt; into a book that went through many editions, beginning in 1908 and continuing with an edition as late as 1965, which suggests that it financially sustained &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt;. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Evidence of widespread cultural influence may be found in publications which included letters from enthusiastic readers or reviewers preceding or following the work itself, much like today’s review blurbs, and also lists of subscribers from around the entire country.</text>
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                  <text>While the amount of political literature (anarchist, socialist, fascist) in the collection suggests its prevalence in the Italian American community, it might well be the great survival rate of those materials that's responsible. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The non-political imaginative literature created in Italian by the Italian community in the U.S., richer in wildly varying qualities, philosophies and interests than the political literature perhaps, provide a three-dimensional view of the Italian community.</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Poesie &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[Poetry].&lt;strong&gt; Costacciaro: Comune di Costacciaro, 2001.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>This volume contains facsimile reproductions of five books of Bartoletti's poetry, including &lt;em&gt;Nostalgie proletarie&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;Riflessioni Poetiche&lt;/em&gt;, and &lt;em&gt;Nel sogno d'oltretomba&lt;/em&gt;. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;With a fine introduction by Martino Marazzi, noted scholar of Bartoletti and of Italian American literature generally. See Marazzi's essay on this website, reproduced from the 2012 catalogue of the collection as it existed at that time.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Martino Marazzi's &lt;em&gt;Voices of Italian America: a History of Early italian American Literature with a Critical Anthology &lt;/em&gt;(Madison, 2004) contains an excerpt from &lt;em&gt;Nostalgie Proletarie&lt;/em&gt; in translation.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                  <text>These largely non-political works reflect a broad pallette of non-fiction reflections on the history of Italians in the U.S., travel literature, biographies (like that of the Peanut King, Obici), or the religious, like Sister, later Mother, and final Saint Cabrini.</text>
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                  <text>In these non-fiction works, Italians reflected upon themselves and their American experiences. Representing the non-&lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt; type of immigrant, who were more interested in becoming American and “making it” in America than in stoking class warfare and remaking society, They began to place themselves in the context of contemporary American society and the history in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The release in 1921 of Alfredo Bosi’s &lt;em&gt;Cinquant’anni di vita italiana in America&lt;/em&gt;, the first history of Italians in the United States, represented a watershed - the first 50 years of Italians in America - and allegedly arose from a conversation between journalist Bosi and King Vittorio Emanuele of Italy in 1901, in which the king expressed curiosity about the Italian colony in America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Luigi Roversi’s biography of Palma di Cesnola proudly places that Italian within the august homes of white Anglo-Saxon Protestant America, into which di Cesnola had married, and where he ruled as the first director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;More than the first half of Flamma’s “biography” of the greatest mayor New York City had ever seen, Fiorello LaGuardia, has little to do with La Guardia, unfortunately, but the work did reflect his obvious pride that after electing mayors in 29 other cities, Italians “finally” elected (in 1933) a mayor of Italian heritage to the country’s most important city. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The directories discussed here, from New York to San Francisco, provide a particularly rich source of information about the different businesses and professions Italians had in virtually every state of the union, from as early as the 1880s (in San Francisco) to the first few decades of the 20th Century (primarily in New York).</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Catalogo Illustrato della premiata fabbrica di armoniche: Baldoni, Bartoli &amp;amp; Co., 60 Mulberry Street, New-York, N.Y. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[Illustrated Catalogue of a Prizewinning Accordion Factory: Baldoni, Bartoli &amp;amp; Co., 60 Mulberry Street, New York, NY].&lt;strong&gt; Firenze: Tip. Valgiusti - Firenze, [1890s].&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>Accordions made by this Italian and American company - at this time based on Mulberry Street in Manhattan - continue to be sold by many dealers, and the Baldoni family still has some involvement, though not in New York. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On the cover, on which is impressed prize winning medals in relief, it states that the company, Baldoni, Bartoli &amp;amp; Co., "i piu grandi importatori e fabbricanti di armonice italiane negli Stati Uniti" (the largest importers and manufacturers of Italian accordions in the U.S.). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This lavishly illustrated color catalogue indeed contains both imported Paolo Soprani accordions and ones of Baldoni, Bartoli's own making (in the U.S.), both button and piano accordion models in both imported and home-grown models. So in music as in politics, philosophy and otherwise, the interrelations between Italy and the U.S. were significant.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Imaginative literature of the great migration: Fiction, poetry, drama, music, and art in books, magazines, and other works on paper&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>During this period fiction, poetry and drama ranged from the sensational urban “mysteries” of Bernardino Ciambelli (never translated into English) to the arguably more literary and certainly more political fiction of Ezio Taddei. Unlike most of the others, Taddei enjoyed a significant, however brief, success in American intellectual circles, with English translations of most of his American works. Illustrations, such as those by Costantino Nivola (the first non-American admitted to the American Academy of Arts and Letters) in &lt;em&gt;Parole Colletive&lt;/em&gt;, matched the sophistication of Taddei’s writing. Poetry was written largely in dialect rather than the standard Italian used by the novelists, could be found in the poetry, of Calicchiu Pucciu, or Francesco Sisca. Drama, more than the other genres, was largely though not exclusively devoted to political education, and was often the central entertainment of May Day picnics of Italian leftists consisting of performances of the plays of Gigi Damiani or other dramatists, discussed in Section VII. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Italian American theatre began in New York in the 1870s. Theatre filled important emotional needs -- entertainment, a support system and social intercourse, supported by a network of fraternal and benevolent associations. Italian and European writers were introduced to immigrant audiences, whether in Italian, Neapolitan, Sicilian or other dialects. The Italian American experience furnished the subject matter for original plays written by Italian immigrant playwrights. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Among them, Eduardo Migliaccio, known as Farfariello, who appears in one of the playbills advertising his performance here, made the Italian American immigrant the hero of his dramatic creations. Riccardo Cordiferro, several of whose play scripts appear here, concerned himself in his plays, as in his philosophical writings, with the social conditions of the Italian immigrant, and was less action-oriented than, say, the hard-core work of the &lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt;. Women in the theatre, like Ria Rosa, whose playbills appear here, enjoyed freedom and an outlet for creativity not available to women who played out their lives in traditional domestic roles. Antonio Maiori introduced Shakespeare to his immigrant audiences in his southern Italian dialect productions. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Guglielmo Ricciardi, whose later memoirs appear in the collection, originated Italian American theatre in Brooklyn, and went on to a successful career in American theatre and cinema. Magazines reflected the politics of the publishers to a greater or lesser extent, whether of the nationalist (and later Fascist) &lt;em&gt;Il Carroccio&lt;/em&gt;, or Arturo Giovannitti’s literary but also politically leftist &lt;em&gt;Vita&lt;/em&gt;, Vincenzo Vacirca’s &lt;em&gt;Il Solco&lt;/em&gt;, Ernesto Vallentini’s socialist &lt;em&gt;Zarathustra&lt;/em&gt;, or Enrico Arrigoni’s anarchist-individualist &lt;em&gt;Eresia&lt;/em&gt;, all of which are reflected in the collection. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The generically (and gently) leftist and anti-clerical &lt;em&gt;La Follia di New York&lt;/em&gt; was was one of the earliest, in the 1890s, begun by the Sisca family (of whom Alessandro, pen name Riccardo Cordiferro, was the most celebrated), and was perhaps the single longest-lived magazine published in Italian in the U.S. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cordiferro’s brother, Marziale Sisca, packaged the caricatures of the charismatic Enrico Caruso that adorned the pages of &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt; into a book that went through many editions, beginning in 1908 and continuing with an edition as late as 1965, which suggests that it financially sustained &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt;. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Evidence of widespread cultural influence may be found in publications which included letters from enthusiastic readers or reviewers preceding or following the work itself, much like today’s review blurbs, and also lists of subscribers from around the entire country.</text>
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                  <text>While the amount of political literature (anarchist, socialist, fascist) in the collection suggests its prevalence in the Italian American community, it might well be the great survival rate of those materials that's responsible. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The non-political imaginative literature created in Italian by the Italian community in the U.S., richer in wildly varying qualities, philosophies and interests than the political literature perhaps, provide a three-dimensional view of the Italian community.</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Autunno napoletano; Casa Gennarelli &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[Neapolitan Autumn].&lt;strong&gt; New York: Italian Book Co., 1930.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>On the cover, at bottom, it states "Copyright 1930 by Italian Book Co. 145-147 Mulberry Street New-York| This copy can be imported in the U.S. of A. only by Italian Book Co. of New-York." The work was actually published by the Casa Gennarelli, Napoli. In Italian, stamped with type from the "Casa Editrice Guido Stefanoni gia G. Corti - LECCO- Via Col di Lana, 3a-6."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See description of &lt;em&gt;Femmena 'e triato&lt;/em&gt; for more on the significance of importing works for the Italian Book Company.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Political subversives II: Anarchists (all types), socialists, syndicalists, communists, anti-clericals&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Argomenti libertari (pagine di propaganda antiparlamentare) &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[Libertarian Arguments (pages of anti-Parliamentarian propaganda)].&lt;strong&gt; Milano: Libreria Editrice Sociale, 1911.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>Stamp on front: "Libreria ed. ELVIRA CATELLO 1946 First Avenue, New York City|Manifattura di Calendari Artistici e Cartoline Illustrate| Catalogo a Richiesta [manufacturer of artistic calendars and illustrated postcards | catalogue on request]"; Printed in Milano, tipografia E. Zerboni, via Fiamma 7.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Concordia (b. 1877 (&lt;span&gt;Asigliano Vercellese, Vercelli, Piemonte) &lt;/span&gt;- d. 1942?) was a dedicated anarchist, imprisoned several times in Italy for articles in &lt;em&gt;L'Agitatore&lt;/em&gt; and similar publications that incited "class hatred." He slipped in and out of Italy, often using pseudonyms, but there is no evidence that he joined any of his many fellow anarchists in the U.S.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The collection has several Elvira Catello publications, i.e., U.S. imprints, but her bookstore imported many socialist and anarchist works from Italy like this one. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This appears to be the rare case - perhaps even a first - of a woman-owned - Italian or otherwise - bookstore in that period of U.S. history. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Catello, an immigrant from Locorotondo, Puglia, is the subject of a 2011 work by American historian and distinguished Italian-Americanist Jennifer Guglielmo, and several scholars from Italy, entitled &lt;em&gt;Elvira Catello e la "Lux" tra utopia e liberta; una pacifista pugliese a New York nel 900 &lt;/em&gt;[Elvira Catello and the "Lux" between utopia and liberty; a pacifist Pugliese in New York in the 1900s]. Bari: Edizioni dal Sud.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;div class="product-description"&gt;
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&lt;p&gt;A writer as well as publisher and bookstore owner,&lt;i&gt; s&lt;/i&gt;he was the guiding force of one of the most important political-cultural circles of an anarchic and libertarian tendancy in New York. A pacifist and thus opposed to militarism, she founded, together with her husband Elio Perrini, the Libreria Ed. "Lux", and thus had a distinct role within the anarcho-radical Italian American press. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;She was also the set designer of a theatrical company whose plays had women at the forefront, a fact that attracted the attention of the whole American feminist movement.&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
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                <text>Tomaso Concordia</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Imaginative literature of the great migration: Fiction, poetry, drama, music, and art in books, magazines, and other works on paper&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>During this period fiction, poetry and drama ranged from the sensational urban “mysteries” of Bernardino Ciambelli (never translated into English) to the arguably more literary and certainly more political fiction of Ezio Taddei. Unlike most of the others, Taddei enjoyed a significant, however brief, success in American intellectual circles, with English translations of most of his American works. Illustrations, such as those by Costantino Nivola (the first non-American admitted to the American Academy of Arts and Letters) in &lt;em&gt;Parole Colletive&lt;/em&gt;, matched the sophistication of Taddei’s writing. Poetry was written largely in dialect rather than the standard Italian used by the novelists, could be found in the poetry, of Calicchiu Pucciu, or Francesco Sisca. Drama, more than the other genres, was largely though not exclusively devoted to political education, and was often the central entertainment of May Day picnics of Italian leftists consisting of performances of the plays of Gigi Damiani or other dramatists, discussed in Section VII. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Italian American theatre began in New York in the 1870s. Theatre filled important emotional needs -- entertainment, a support system and social intercourse, supported by a network of fraternal and benevolent associations. Italian and European writers were introduced to immigrant audiences, whether in Italian, Neapolitan, Sicilian or other dialects. The Italian American experience furnished the subject matter for original plays written by Italian immigrant playwrights. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Among them, Eduardo Migliaccio, known as Farfariello, who appears in one of the playbills advertising his performance here, made the Italian American immigrant the hero of his dramatic creations. Riccardo Cordiferro, several of whose play scripts appear here, concerned himself in his plays, as in his philosophical writings, with the social conditions of the Italian immigrant, and was less action-oriented than, say, the hard-core work of the &lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt;. Women in the theatre, like Ria Rosa, whose playbills appear here, enjoyed freedom and an outlet for creativity not available to women who played out their lives in traditional domestic roles. Antonio Maiori introduced Shakespeare to his immigrant audiences in his southern Italian dialect productions. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Guglielmo Ricciardi, whose later memoirs appear in the collection, originated Italian American theatre in Brooklyn, and went on to a successful career in American theatre and cinema. Magazines reflected the politics of the publishers to a greater or lesser extent, whether of the nationalist (and later Fascist) &lt;em&gt;Il Carroccio&lt;/em&gt;, or Arturo Giovannitti’s literary but also politically leftist &lt;em&gt;Vita&lt;/em&gt;, Vincenzo Vacirca’s &lt;em&gt;Il Solco&lt;/em&gt;, Ernesto Vallentini’s socialist &lt;em&gt;Zarathustra&lt;/em&gt;, or Enrico Arrigoni’s anarchist-individualist &lt;em&gt;Eresia&lt;/em&gt;, all of which are reflected in the collection. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The generically (and gently) leftist and anti-clerical &lt;em&gt;La Follia di New York&lt;/em&gt; was was one of the earliest, in the 1890s, begun by the Sisca family (of whom Alessandro, pen name Riccardo Cordiferro, was the most celebrated), and was perhaps the single longest-lived magazine published in Italian in the U.S. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cordiferro’s brother, Marziale Sisca, packaged the caricatures of the charismatic Enrico Caruso that adorned the pages of &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt; into a book that went through many editions, beginning in 1908 and continuing with an edition as late as 1965, which suggests that it financially sustained &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt;. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Evidence of widespread cultural influence may be found in publications which included letters from enthusiastic readers or reviewers preceding or following the work itself, much like today’s review blurbs, and also lists of subscribers from around the entire country.</text>
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                  <text>While the amount of political literature (anarchist, socialist, fascist) in the collection suggests its prevalence in the Italian American community, it might well be the great survival rate of those materials that's responsible. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The non-political imaginative literature created in Italian by the Italian community in the U.S., richer in wildly varying qualities, philosophies and interests than the political literature perhaps, provide a three-dimensional view of the Italian community.</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Core'ngrato: canzone napoletana &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[Ungrateful Heart: Neapolitan Song].&lt;strong&gt; Milano: Ed. Ricordi, 1947.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>Note "versi di R. Cordiferro" in interior; "trascrizione per fisarmonica di Luigi Oreste Anzaghi [transciption for accordion by Luigi Oreste Anzaghi]" noted on outside cover; published by G. Ricordi © 1911, i.e., several decades before this copy, attesting to the enduring popularity of the piece.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Cordiferro’s well-known “Core ’ngrato” has been sung and recorded by Andrea Bocelli, Luciano Pavarotti, Franco Corelli and Roberto Alagna, and others, and remains a favorite. See Francesco Durante’s essay on this website, “Riccardo Cordiferro: An Italian American Archetype.” Though the family was Calabrian by birth, the Siscas had built their reputation in Italy as masters of the Neapolitan dialect, as here.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Composer Salvatore Cardillo (1874-1947) was Italian-American, having emigrated to the U.S. from Naples in 1904. He and Cordiferro also collaborated one more time, with &lt;em&gt;Oi luna&lt;/em&gt; [O Silvery Moon], published in 1921. That a work whose music and lyrics both were created by Americans was nevertheless published in Italy is testament to the prestige of Ricordi.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Emigrating with his family to America in 1892, soon thereafter Cordiferro founded the weekly literary magazine &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;La Follia di New York&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;, together with his father Francesco (1839–1928), who was also a poet (q.v. his &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Lu Ciucciu, &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;in Calabrian dialect&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;), and with his brother Marziale. The work for &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;La Follia&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;, combined with his intense literary productivity, absorbed Cordiferro completely, and gave him a vehicle by which to publish several of his works, such as&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt; La vendetta&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt; (q.v.). Approbation for the magazine’s notable success on the East Coast led him to make frequent trips throughout the country and beyond to give theatrical presentations and poetry readings, and to engage in debates, very often with political overtones.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Though not committed to any one strain of leftist thought, Cordiferro maintained close contact with anarchist and socialist circles, which resulted in more than one arrest and constrained him to resign from directing&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt; La Follia&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;. In 1895, his drama, &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Il pezzente &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;[&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;The Tramp], ran for hundreds of performances and became a standard in the repertory of amateur players in revolutionary political &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;circles. See Durante, “Riccardo Cordiferro,” pp. 21–22.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Beyond the political, Cordiferro was perhaps more drawn to satire, the comical, and the sentimental, including songs and Neapolitan impersonations. He wrote poetry all his life, and dedicated himself to comic theater. Cordiferro was principally responsible for the flourishing of colonial poetry: by his decisions of who to publish in &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;La Follia&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;, he became the arbiter between old world and new world literary styles, effectively, a guarantor of the new literary culture of the Italian American colony. He was among the collaborators of Carlo Tresca’s radical newspaper, &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Il Martello&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt; (The Hammer) even into the 1930s.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Salvatore Cardillo</text>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Imaginative literature of the great migration: Fiction, poetry, drama, music, and art in books, magazines, and other works on paper&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>During this period fiction, poetry and drama ranged from the sensational urban “mysteries” of Bernardino Ciambelli (never translated into English) to the arguably more literary and certainly more political fiction of Ezio Taddei. Unlike most of the others, Taddei enjoyed a significant, however brief, success in American intellectual circles, with English translations of most of his American works. Illustrations, such as those by Costantino Nivola (the first non-American admitted to the American Academy of Arts and Letters) in &lt;em&gt;Parole Colletive&lt;/em&gt;, matched the sophistication of Taddei’s writing. Poetry was written largely in dialect rather than the standard Italian used by the novelists, could be found in the poetry, of Calicchiu Pucciu, or Francesco Sisca. Drama, more than the other genres, was largely though not exclusively devoted to political education, and was often the central entertainment of May Day picnics of Italian leftists consisting of performances of the plays of Gigi Damiani or other dramatists, discussed in Section VII. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Italian American theatre began in New York in the 1870s. Theatre filled important emotional needs -- entertainment, a support system and social intercourse, supported by a network of fraternal and benevolent associations. Italian and European writers were introduced to immigrant audiences, whether in Italian, Neapolitan, Sicilian or other dialects. The Italian American experience furnished the subject matter for original plays written by Italian immigrant playwrights. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Among them, Eduardo Migliaccio, known as Farfariello, who appears in one of the playbills advertising his performance here, made the Italian American immigrant the hero of his dramatic creations. Riccardo Cordiferro, several of whose play scripts appear here, concerned himself in his plays, as in his philosophical writings, with the social conditions of the Italian immigrant, and was less action-oriented than, say, the hard-core work of the &lt;em&gt;sovversivi&lt;/em&gt;. Women in the theatre, like Ria Rosa, whose playbills appear here, enjoyed freedom and an outlet for creativity not available to women who played out their lives in traditional domestic roles. Antonio Maiori introduced Shakespeare to his immigrant audiences in his southern Italian dialect productions. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Guglielmo Ricciardi, whose later memoirs appear in the collection, originated Italian American theatre in Brooklyn, and went on to a successful career in American theatre and cinema. Magazines reflected the politics of the publishers to a greater or lesser extent, whether of the nationalist (and later Fascist) &lt;em&gt;Il Carroccio&lt;/em&gt;, or Arturo Giovannitti’s literary but also politically leftist &lt;em&gt;Vita&lt;/em&gt;, Vincenzo Vacirca’s &lt;em&gt;Il Solco&lt;/em&gt;, Ernesto Vallentini’s socialist &lt;em&gt;Zarathustra&lt;/em&gt;, or Enrico Arrigoni’s anarchist-individualist &lt;em&gt;Eresia&lt;/em&gt;, all of which are reflected in the collection. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The generically (and gently) leftist and anti-clerical &lt;em&gt;La Follia di New York&lt;/em&gt; was was one of the earliest, in the 1890s, begun by the Sisca family (of whom Alessandro, pen name Riccardo Cordiferro, was the most celebrated), and was perhaps the single longest-lived magazine published in Italian in the U.S. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cordiferro’s brother, Marziale Sisca, packaged the caricatures of the charismatic Enrico Caruso that adorned the pages of &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt; into a book that went through many editions, beginning in 1908 and continuing with an edition as late as 1965, which suggests that it financially sustained &lt;em&gt;La Follia&lt;/em&gt;. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Evidence of widespread cultural influence may be found in publications which included letters from enthusiastic readers or reviewers preceding or following the work itself, much like today’s review blurbs, and also lists of subscribers from around the entire country.</text>
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                  <text>While the amount of political literature (anarchist, socialist, fascist) in the collection suggests its prevalence in the Italian American community, it might well be the great survival rate of those materials that's responsible. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The non-political imaginative literature created in Italian by the Italian community in the U.S., richer in wildly varying qualities, philosophies and interests than the political literature perhaps, provide a three-dimensional view of the Italian community.</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Poesie napoletane &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[Neopolitan Poetry].&lt;strong&gt; Napoli: Cav. Ciro Russo, 1949.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>With a preface by Pasquale Ruocco. Cenerazzo (sometimes spelled "Cennerazzo") was an actor and author of theatre, poetry, songs and Neapolitan caricatures, who arrived in the U.S. at the age of 12. Self-taught, he collaborated with Francesco Ricciardi, performing duets and Neapolitan songs. Ario Flamma says he performed with Mimi Aguglia. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He also worked at the Cocce Press. After World War II, his compositions appeared in &lt;em&gt;La Follia di New York&lt;/em&gt;. An important locus of study of theatrical activity among the Italians in the U.S. is the Raccolta Cenerazzo of the Biblioteca Lucchesi Palli, an independent section of the Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele II of Naples. It contains a rich collection of manuscripts and published works, including &lt;em&gt;Rose Rosse e Rose Gialle&lt;/em&gt;, a copy of which is now in the Collection. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Durante's &lt;em&gt;Italoamericana&lt;/em&gt; contains the one act text (in translation in the American edition of &lt;em&gt;Italoamericana&lt;/em&gt;) of an unpublished plan, &lt;em&gt;Rapitori di Fanciulli; ovvero, La Mano Nera&lt;/em&gt; [Kidnapper of Children, or The Black Hand], dated 1912.</text>
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                <text>Armando Cenerazzo</text>
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                <text>Cav. Ciro Russo</text>
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                <text>1949</text>
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                <text>21 x 16cm; 261 p.</text>
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                <text>Italian</text>
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        <name>published in Italy</name>
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                  <text>&lt;em&gt;Looking homeward: Publication in Italy (and elsewhere) of works about Americans and Italians&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                  <text>For a variety of reasons, Italians in America looking to publish their works in Italian did not or could not always find publishers in the U.S., and so they turned "homewards" to Italy. Sometimes they already had publishers in their native land, and there seemed to be a market for and interest in works about America.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The writers here sometimes looked homeward, to Italy (but also France and elsewhere), to find a publisher who was sufficiently interested in the adventures of an Italian in America -- the very title of Adolfo Rossi’s very entertaining &lt;em&gt;Un italiano in America --&lt;/em&gt; published in Milan. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Writers looked to foreign publishers to provide publication, and possibly readership, more in keeping with the traditional view of book publishing and book production values to which the more highly trained among the Italian journalists in America gravitated.  Some, like the Piedmontese aristocrat Mayor des Planches, who was Italian ambassador to Washington from 1901-1909, always intended to return to Italy, and did so.  Publication in Turin of his &lt;em&gt;Attraverso gli Stati Uniti – per l’emigrazione italiana&lt;/em&gt; occurred a good three or more years after his tour of duty was completed, and so he kept an admirable objectivity and cool demeanor toward the subject of his study. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Cordiferro’s &lt;em&gt;Ode alla Calabria&lt;/em&gt;, published in Buenos Aires in 1933, but reflecting a literary salon that had taken place in Brooklyn some years before, mirrored the broadly felt literary interest of the Italian diaspora wherever Italians might be in the writing of other emigrated Italians, and the global nature of Italian culture.  &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;America amara &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;[Bitter America].&lt;strong&gt; Firenze: Sansoni, 1940.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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                <text>Cecchi was a literary and arts critic and writer, born in Firenze, who worked there and in Rome. He was a friend both of Giovanni Pappini, philosopher and writer, and of Giovanni Gentile, the "philosopher of fascism." Durante notes that Cecchi was late in coming to appreciate the quality of Arturo Giovannitti's poetry.  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;America amara&lt;/em&gt; contains essays he wrote for the &lt;em&gt;Corriere della Sera&lt;/em&gt; from his year in America, 1930-31, and also more recent essays from another year he spent in the U.S., on the west coast (1937-38).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;His other connection with America is that in 1942, Cecchi used his literary celebrity to endorse the publication of &lt;em&gt;Americana&lt;/em&gt;, a compilation from contemporary American "narratori" (story tellers) that had been put together by Elio Vittorini, an outspoken Milanese critic of Mussolini. The book had been blocked by Fascist censors in 1941. Cecchi adapted the book to the political and military situation of the times by substituting for Vittorini's original an introduction denouncing the "letteratura impegnata" (politicized literature) and "democracy" of the U.S.&lt;sup id="cite_ref-Duperray2006_31-0" class="reference"&gt;&lt;/sup&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;After an abrupt change in Italian politics in 1943, Cecchi would insist that the commitment implicit in his more political actions under the fascist regime had reflected his strong Italian patriotism rather than any sort of political endorsement of the Fascist government. &lt;sup id="cite_ref-CEsecondoFdB_3-37" class="reference"&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;</text>
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                <text>Emilio Cecchi</text>
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                <text>Sansoni</text>
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                <text>1940</text>
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                <text>20.5 x 14.5cm; 407 p.</text>
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                <text>Italian</text>
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